UPSC Mains 2020 Anthropology Optional Question Papers with Model Answers
All 56 questions of the 2020 Civil Services Main Examination, Anthropology Paper I and Anthropology Paper II, with marks and a suggested time per part. Solve each part on paper first, then open the model answer, or send it to answer-writing practice for evaluation.
UPSC Mains 2020 Anthropology Paper I
Question 1 (50 marks)
Q1(a) · Prehistoric Archaeology · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Cultures
Natufian culture
हिंदी में प्रश्न
नतूफी संस्कृति
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(a)
Approach: A short note: discovery, date and region, settlements, tools and economy, burials, and significance as a bridge to farming.
The Natufian culture of the Levant (Israel, Palestine, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria), about 15,000 to 11,500 years ago, was named by Dorothy Garrod after Shuqba cave in the Wadi en-Natuf, which she excavated in the late 1920s.
Settlements: among the first sedentary hunter-gatherers, Natufians built round, semi-subterranean stone houses at sites such as Ain Mallaha (Eynan), Hayonim and el-Wad, and used storage pits.
Tools and economy: lunate microliths, sickle blades with a gloss from cutting cereal stalks, bone sickle handles, and heavy mortars and pestles show intensive harvesting of wild wheat, barley and acorns alongside hunting gazelle. At Abu Hureyra (Syria), cultivation of rye has been claimed, a debated point.
Social life: burials under house floors, some with dentalium-shell headdresses, and an old person buried with a puppy at Ain Mallaha, among the earliest evidence of the domestic dog.
The Natufian is the bridge between foraging and the Pre-Pottery Neolithic farmers of the Fertile Crescent.Q1(b) · Culture, Communication and Research Methods · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Culture, Language and Communication
Sapir-Whorf hypothesis
हिंदी में प्रश्न
सापिर-वोर्फ परिकल्पना
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(b)
Approach: State the hypothesis with its authors, distinguish the strong and weak versions with examples, and give the critique and current status.
The Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, or linguistic relativity, named after Edward Sapir and his student Benjamin Lee Whorf (writings of the 1930s, collected in Language, Thought and Reality, 1956), states that the language we speak influences how we perceive and think about the world.
Versions: the strong version (linguistic determinism) holds that language determines thought, so speakers of very different languages live in different mental worlds. Whorf argued that Hopi grammar, lacking English-like tenses and treating time as a continuous process, gave the Hopi a different concept of time. The weak version holds only that language makes some distinctions easier to notice and remember.
Critique: Ekkehart Malotki (Hopi Time, 1983) showed that Hopi does express time; Berlin and Kay’s colour-term universals (1969) and Chomsky’s universal grammar stressed common cognition; translation between all languages is possible.
Status: the strong version is rejected, but experiments on spatial orientation among Guugu Yimithirr speakers and on colour discrimination in Russian support the weak version.Q1(c) · Culture and Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Ethnocentrism and Cultural Relativism
Human rights and Cultural relativism
हिंदी में प्रश्न
मानव अधिकार एवं सांस्कृतिक सापेक्षवाद (Cultural relativism)
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(c)
Approach: A short note on the tension: define both, show the AAA positions of 1947 and 1999, give examples where they clash, and conclude with a middle path.
Human rights, set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), are claimed for every person regardless of culture; cultural relativism, developed by Boas and Herskovits, holds that practices must be understood in their own cultural context.
Anthropology's shift: the American Anthropological Association's 1947 statement, drafted by Herskovits, warned that a universal declaration could impose Western values; its 1999 Declaration on Anthropology and Human Rights instead supported universal rights grounded in the capacity for culture.
Points of clash: female genital cutting, child marriage, sati, honour killing and witch-hunting (outlawed in Jharkhand in 2001) have been defended as tradition, but they harm the weakest members of a society.
Middle path: critical relativism uses relativism as a method to understand a practice, then judges it by human dignity and the voices of those affected inside the culture, as Indian reform from within shows.Q1(d) · Religion · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion
Victor Turner and Liminality
हिंदी में प्रश्न
विक्टर टर्नर और लिमिनेलिटी (Liminality)
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(d)
Approach: A short note: link Turner to Van Gennep, define liminality and communitas with the Ndembu example, extend to liminoid phenomena and Indian examples, and evaluate.
Victor Turner, who studied the Ndembu of Zambia, developed the middle, transitional phase of Van Gennep's rites of passage (1909) into a general theory in The Forest of Symbols (1967) and The Ritual Process (1969).
Liminality: from Latin limen (threshold), it is the state of being betwixt and between, no longer in the old status and not yet in the new. Ndembu boys in circumcision camps and a chief-elect before installation are stripped of rank, dressed alike, humbled and taught sacred knowledge.
Communitas: in this phase an intense, egalitarian comradeship arises, opposed to everyday hierarchical structure; Turner saw society as a dialectic of structure and anti-structure.
Extensions: he called similar states in modern leisure, art and pilgrimage liminoid; pilgrims at the Kumbh Mela or Sabarimala, wearing simple dress and mixing across caste, show communitas, and the Muria ghotul (Elwin) is a liminal youth phase.
Critics such as Eade and Sallnow (1991) argue that pilgrimage also reproduces divisions, yet liminality remains a key tool for analysing ritual and change.Q1(e) · Primates · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Primate Adaptation, Behaviour and Fossil Primates
Jane Goodall's contributions in studying primate behaviour
हिंदी में प्रश्न
जेन गुडऑल का प्राइमेट (Primate) व्यवहार को समझने में योगदान
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(e)
Approach: A short note: introduce Goodall and her Gombe study, list her key findings (tool making, hunting, individuality, warfare, mother-infant bonds), her method and conservation work, and assess her contribution.
Jane Goodall (1934–2025), encouraged by Louis Leakey, began studying wild chimpanzees at Gombe Stream, Tanzania, in 1960; the study became one of the longest-running field studies of any animal.
Tool making: in 1960 she saw a chimpanzee she named David Greybeard strip leaves from twigs and use them to fish termites, showing that chimpanzees make tools; Leakey remarked that we must now redefine tool, redefine man, or accept chimpanzees as humans.
Hunting and meat sharing: she recorded chimpanzees hunting colobus monkeys and sharing meat. Social life: long mother-infant bonds (as with Flo and her son Flint), individual personalities, emotions, dominance struggles and, in the 1970s, a four-year war in which one community destroyed another.
Method: long-term habituation and naming of individuals, first criticised as unscientific but later widely adopted; her books include In the Shadow of Man (1971) and The Chimpanzees of Gombe (1986).
Through the Jane Goodall Institute (1977) she promoted conservation and animal welfare. She narrowed the perceived gap between humans and apes and gave models for early hominin behaviour.
Question 2 (50 marks)
Q2(a) · Fossil Hominids · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Neanderthal Man, Rhodesian Man and Homo sapiens
Critically evaluate the contesting theories of the emergence and dispersal of modern Homo Sapiens.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
आधुनिक होमो सेपियन्स के उद्भव एवं वितरण संबंधी विवादात्मक सिद्धांतों का समालोचनात्मक मूल्यांकन कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(a)
Approach: "Critically evaluate" the contesting models: multiregional, recent African origin (replacement), and the assimilation and hybridisation models, each with its fossil and genetic evidence and weaknesses; add the dispersal routes and a three-panel diagram, and give a verdict.
Anatomically modern Homo sapiens appears first in Africa, at Jebel Irhoud (about 315,000 years), Omo Kibish and Herto; how it arose and spread is explained by contesting models.
Multiregional model: developed from Franz Weidenreich and stated by Milford Wolpoff, Wu Xinzhi and Alan Thorne (1984), it holds that H. erectus populations in Africa, Asia and Europe evolved into modern humans together, linked by gene flow; it cites regional continuity, such as shovel incisors from Peking Man to modern East Asians; but genetic data do not show the deep regional roots it predicts.
Recent African origin (replacement): Christopher Stringer and Peter Andrews (1988), backed by the mitochondrial Eve study (1987), argue that modern humans arose in Africa about 200,000 years ago and replaced archaic groups elsewhere; evidence includes the earliest modern fossils in Africa, the greatest African genetic diversity, and Neanderthal mtDNA outside modern variation.
Intermediate models: Günter Bräuer's hybridisation and replacement model and Fred Smith's assimilation model accept an African origin with some interbreeding, now confirmed by about 1 to 2 percent Neanderthal DNA in non-Africans and Denisovan DNA in Melanesians.
Diagram: three panels with time running upward: replacement (one African branch spreading and cutting off regional lines), multiregional (parallel regional lines joined by cross-links) and assimilation (an African branch spreading with thin side-links of interbreeding).
Dispersal: early exits reached the Levant (Misliya, about 180,000 years; Skhul and Qafzeh, about 120,000 to 90,000 years) but faded; the main dispersal after about 70,000 to 60,000 years took a southern coastal route via the Bab-el-Mandeb and India to Australia (by about 50,000 years or earlier) and a northern route into Europe (about 45,000 years); Andamanese mtDNA fits the coastal route.
Evaluation: pure multiregionalism fails the genetic test and pure replacement fails the admixture test; the consensus is a mainly African origin with limited interbreeding, with Scerri and colleagues (2018) adding that the African origin itself spanned linked regions.Q2(b) · Culture and Society · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Society, Social Institutions, Groups and Stratification
Discuss Erving Goffman's concept of total institutions and its relevance in contemporary society.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
इरविंग गोफमैन की कुल संस्थानों संबंधी अवधारणा की विवेचना कीजिए और समकालीन समाज के लिए इसकी प्रासंगिकता पर चर्चा कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(b)
Approach: Two parts: Goffman's concept (definition, features, types, the mortification of self and inmate adaptations) and its relevance today with Indian and global examples, plus a brief critique.
Erving Goffman, in Asylums (1961), based on fieldwork at St Elizabeths Hospital in Washington, defined a total institution as a place of residence and work where many like-situated people, cut off from wider society, lead an enclosed, formally administered life.
Features and types: all activities occur in one place under one authority, in batches, on a tight schedule serving an official aim; Goffman listed homes for the blind or aged, mental hospitals and leprosaria, prisons and camps, army barracks, ships and boarding schools, and monasteries.
Mortification of self: on entry, inmates are stripped of possessions, names and roles, and a privilege system reshapes them; they adapt by withdrawal, intransigence, colonisation or conversion.
Relevance today: prisons such as Tihar, psychiatric hospitals (reformed under the Mental Healthcare Act 2017), old-age homes, military academies and refugee or detention camps fit the model; residential schools for tribal children, such as Canada's, show how such institutions can erase culture, a lesson for India's ashram and Eklavya schools.
Critique: later work stresses inmate agency and porous boundaries, and Foucault's Discipline and Punish (1975) extended the idea of disciplinary power to society at large.
The concept therefore remains a powerful lens for examining power, identity and human rights inside closed institutions.Q2(c) · Prehistoric Archaeology · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Cultures
Differentiate between Lower Palaeolithic culture and Middle Palaeolithic culture with suitable examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
निम्न पुरापाषाण और मध्य पुरापाषाण काल की संस्कृतियों के बीच उचित उदाहरणों द्वारा भेद कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(c)
Approach: Differentiate point by point (chronology, makers, technique, tool types, raw material, behaviour, sites) with world and Indian examples; a two-column comparison and tool sketches work well.
The Lower and Middle Palaeolithic are successive stages of the Old Stone Age, distinguished mainly by tool-making technique; the change shows growing planning and skill.
Chronology and makers: the Lower Palaeolithic runs from about 2.6 million years (3.3 million at Lomekwi) to about 300,000 years and was the work of early Homo, Homo erectus and Homo heidelbergensis. The Middle Palaeolithic runs from about 300,000 to 40,000 years and was made by Neanderthals, archaic humans and early Homo sapiens.
Technique: Lower Palaeolithic tools are mostly core tools shaped by hard-hammer and later soft-hammer percussion. Middle Palaeolithic tools are mainly flake tools, often struck from prepared cores by the Levallois technique, with careful retouch.
Tool types and raw material: Lower Palaeolithic choppers, handaxes and cleavers (Oldowan and Acheulian) versus Middle Palaeolithic side scrapers, points, borers and denticulates (Mousterian). In India the Acheulian is mostly in coarse quartzite, while Middle Palaeolithic flakes use finer chert, jasper and chalcedony.
Behaviour: Lower Palaeolithic people scavenged and hunted, with fire control appearing late; Middle Palaeolithic people hunted large game, hafted points, used pigments and buried their dead.
Examples: Olduvai, Attirampakkam, Isampur and Hunsgi for the Lower; Le Moustier, Shanidar, Nevasa (Sankalia’s Nevasian) and Jwalapuram for the Middle.
The boundary is gradual: Levallois flakes appear at Attirampakkam by about 385,000 years, and small handaxes continue in the Mousterian.
Question 3 (50 marks)
Q3(a) · Family · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Family and Social Change
Explain the impact of feminist movement on universality of marriage and family structure.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
विवाह और परिवार संरचना की सार्वभौमिकता पर नारीवादी आंदोलन के प्रभाव की व्याख्या कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(a)
Approach: Explain the functionalist claim of universal marriage and family, then show how feminist movements and feminist anthropology challenged it, separately for marriage and for family structure, with Indian developments, and conclude.
Murdock (1949) held the nuclear family, based on marriage between a man and a woman, to be universal, and Parsons saw an instrumental husband and expressive wife as functional. Feminist movements challenged both claims.
Second-wave feminists argued that the family is a social construction serving patriarchy, as Engels (1884) had hinted by linking monogamy to private property: Kate Millett (1970) called it patriarchy's chief institution and Ann Oakley (1974) exposed unpaid housework. Yanagisako and Collier (1987) argued that gender and kinship are cultural, not biological, domains to be studied together.
Michelle Rosaldo (1974) tied subordination to the domestic-public split and Sherry Ortner (1974) to the association of women with nature. The Nayar, Nuer woman-marriage and Khasi matriliny were reread to show how much marriage and fatherhood vary.
On the universality of marriage: cohabitation, voluntary singlehood, divorce and same-sex marriage, legal in the Netherlands since 2001, have made marriage optional in many societies, and anthropologists dropped the man-and-woman clause from definitions.
On family structure: dual-earner, mother-headed, blended and chosen families (Kath Weston, 1991) replaced the male-breadwinner model, so anthropologists speak of families in the plural.
In India, campaigns led to the Domestic Violence Act, 2005 and daughters' coparcenary rights (2005), and the Supreme Court decriminalised homosexuality (2018), but it declined to legalise same-sex marriage (2023) and marriage remains near-universal.
Feminism has thus undermined the claim that one form of marriage and family is universal, while some unit of care and child-rearing persists in plural, negotiated forms.Q3(b) · Ecological Anthropology, Epidemiology and Human Growth · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Epidemiological Anthropology
Critically examine the demographic and epidemiological consequences with rise in food production and sedentism.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
खाद्य उत्पादन और स्थानबद्धता में वृद्धि के कारण जनसांख्यिकीय (डेमोग्राफिक) और महामारी-विज्ञानीय परिणामों का समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(b)
Approach: Explain the Neolithic demographic transition (fertility, population growth) and the first epidemiological transition (infectious disease, nutrition, skeletal evidence), with examples, then critically assess the evidence (osteological paradox) and conclude.
The shift from foraging to food production and settled village life, beginning about 10,000 years ago in the Near East and later in China, Mesoamerica and elsewhere, transformed human demography and health.
Demographic consequences: settled life and soft weaning foods (cereal gruels, milk) shortened birth intervals from about four years among mobile foragers to two or three years, raising fertility; Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel called this the Neolithic demographic transition. Populations grew rapidly, villages became towns, and density increased.
Epidemiological consequences: George Armelagos and others described a first epidemiological transition. Crowding, stored food, waste and contaminated water favoured faecal-oral infections; domestic animals passed zoonoses such as measles, smallpox, influenza and tuberculosis; clearing forests and irrigation spread malaria, and Frank Livingstone (1958) linked yam farming in West Africa to the spread of the sickle-cell gene. Skeletal studies collected by Cohen and Armelagos (Paleopathology at the Origins of Agriculture, 1984) show more dental caries, enamel hypoplasia, porotic hyperostosis (anaemia), shorter stature and infectious lesions in many early farming groups. At Mehrgarh in Pakistan, caries rose and early dentistry appeared.
Critique: the osteological paradox (Wood and colleagues, 1992) warns that skeletons with lesions may represent people who survived long enough to show them; regional patterns vary, and farming ultimately supported more people.
Thus food production raised numbers but often lowered individual health, a trade-off whose effects persist today.Q3(c) · Human Evolution: Theories and Concepts · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Synthetic Theory and Concepts of Evolutionary Biology
Elucidate how Darwin and Post-Darwin theories of evolution resulted in the development of Synthetic theory of evolution.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
कैसे डार्विन और डार्विन के बाद दिए गए विकास के सिद्धांतों की परिणति विकास के संश्लेषी सिद्धांत में हुई, स्पष्ट कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(c)
Approach: Trace the sequence: Darwin's theory and its gaps, post-Darwinian contributions (Weismann, Mendel, de Vries, the Mendelian–biometrician dispute), then the population geneticists and the builders of the synthesis, ending with its core tenets.
The synthetic theory (modern synthesis) of the 1930s and 1940s grew out of Darwin's theory by filling its gaps with genetics.
Darwin's base and gaps: On the Origin of Species (1859) explained evolution by natural selection acting on variation, but Darwin could not explain the source of variation, accepted blending inheritance and allowed some inheritance of acquired characters.
Post-Darwinian steps: August Weismann's germ plasm theory (1880s) showed that only changes in reproductive cells are inherited, giving neo-Darwinism. Mendel's laws (1866), rediscovered in 1900, showed particulate inheritance. Hugo de Vries's mutation theory (1901) identified sudden heritable change, though he wrongly thought it alone created species.
Reconciliation: Mendelians and biometricians first quarrelled over continuous variation, until R.A. Fisher (1918) showed that many genes acting together produce it. Fisher (1930), J.B.S. Haldane (1932) and Sewall Wright built mathematical population genetics, adding genetic drift.
The synthesis: Dobzhansky's Genetics and the Origin of Species (1937), Mayr's Systematics and the Origin of Species (1942), Simpson's Tempo and Mode in Evolution (1944) and Julian Huxley's Evolution: The Modern Synthesis (1942) joined genetics, systematics and palaeontology.
Core tenets: evolution is change in allele frequencies in a population; mutation and recombination create variation; selection, drift and gene flow change frequencies; isolation leads to speciation; macroevolution is accumulated microevolution.
Question 4 (50 marks)
Q4(a) · Anthropological Theories · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Culture and Personality, Neo-evolutionism and Later Theories
Discuss various anthropological approaches to the study of personality and culture.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
व्यक्तित्व एवं संस्कृति के अध्ययन के लिए विभिन्न नृवैज्ञानिक उपागमों की विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(a)
Approach: Survey the approaches chronologically: configurational, psychoanalytic-basic personality, modal personality, national character, cross-cultural child-rearing and later cognitive work, each with its scholar and ethnography; add Indian studies and conclude on their legacy.
The culture and personality school, arising in the 1920s from Boas’s students and Freudian psychology, asked how culture shapes individual personality and how personality sustains culture.
Configurational approach: Ruth Benedict (Patterns of Culture, 1934) saw each culture as an integrated pattern, the Apollonian Zuni versus the Dionysian Plains Indians, Kwakiutl and Dobu. Margaret Mead (Coming of Age in Samoa, 1928; Sex and Temperament, 1935) showed adolescence and gender temperament to be culturally moulded, comparing the gentle Arapesh, fierce Mundugumor and the Tchambuli with reversed sex roles.
Basic personality structure: Abram Kardiner with Ralph Linton (1939, 1945) proposed that primary institutions of child care produce a shared personality, which projects into secondary institutions like religion, using Marquesan, Tanala and Alorese data.
Modal personality: Cora Du Bois (The People of Alor, 1944) used Rorschach tests and life histories to show that personality is distributed statistically, the modal type being only the most frequent.
National character: Benedict on Japan (1946), Gorer and Rickman on Russia (1949) and Mead on America (1942) extended these ideas to nations through study at a distance.
Cross-cultural and later approaches: John Whiting and Irvin Child (1953) tested links between child-training and adult beliefs statistically using the Human Relations Area Files; the Six Cultures project (1963), which included Khalapur in India, compared children’s behaviour. Psychological anthropology later moved to cognition and emotion. In India, G.M. Carstairs (The Twice-Born, 1957) and Sudhir Kakar (The Inner World, 1978) studied Hindu personality psychoanalytically.
The school was criticised for stereotyping and untested Freudian assumptions, but it founded psychological anthropology and the idea that personality is culturally patterned.Q4(b) · Primates · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Primate Adaptation, Behaviour and Fossil Primates
Illustrate with examples the various types of locomotion patterns among the non-human primates.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
ग़ैर-मानव प्राइमेटों के बीच विभिन्न प्रकार के चलन प्रतिरूपों को उदाहरणों सहित स्पष्ट कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(b)
Approach: Classify locomotion after Napier and Walker (1967) and illustrate each type (vertical clinging and leaping, quadrupedalism, brachiation, knuckle-walking and quadrumanous climbing) with species and anatomical adaptations, using limb indices and stick-figure sketches.
Primate locomotion reflects body size, habitat and diet. J.R. Napier and A.C. Walker (1967) grouped it into vertical clinging and leaping, quadrupedalism, brachiation and bipedalism; the intermembral index (arm length over leg length times 100) captures the limb proportions behind each.
Vertical clinging and leaping: tarsiers, galagos, indris and sifakas cling upright to trunks and leap with long, powerful hind limbs; tarsiers have elongated ankle bones, and the index is low (about 50 to 60).
Quadrupedalism: arboreal quadrupeds such as langurs, macaques in trees and New World capuchins have limbs of near-equal length, long balancing tails and grasping feet. Terrestrial quadrupeds such as savanna baboons, rhesus macaques on the ground and geladas have shorter digits and long muzzles; the index is about 80 to 100.
Brachiation: gibbons and siamangs, including the hoolock gibbon of north-east India, swing arm over arm beneath branches using very long arms, hook-like hands, a mobile shoulder and a short trunk (index about 129).
Knuckle-walking and climbing: chimpanzees, bonobos and gorillas walk on the backs of their middle finger bones and climb vertically; orangutans use slow, four-handed (quadrumanous) climbing and fist-walking on the ground, with the highest index (about 139).
Diagram: four stick figures: a tarsier clinging vertically, a macaque walking on all fours, a gibbon brachiating and a chimpanzee knuckle-walking, each labelled with its intermembral index.
Only hominins are habitual bipeds; apes walk upright only briefly. The upright trunk of brachiators and climbers is often seen as a pre-adaptation for human bipedalism, though whether our ancestors knuckle-walked is debated.Q4(c) · Economic Organisation · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Production, Distribution and Exchange
How is the construct of power linked to the notion of conspicuous consumption and its impact on distributive justice ?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
शक्तिकरण (Construct of power) कैसे प्रदर्शन उपभोग की धारणा से संलग्न है और वितरण न्याय पर इसका क्या प्रभाव है ?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(c)
Approach: Define conspicuous consumption (Veblen), show how it creates and displays power through ethnographic cases (potlatch, big man, feasts of merit, Indian weddings), and then assess its two-sided effect on distributive justice.
Thorstein Veblen (The Theory of the Leisure Class, 1899) coined conspicuous consumption for the lavish spending of wealth to display status; anthropology shows that such display is a means of gaining and legitimising power.
Potlatch: among the Kwakiutl, described by Franz Boas, chiefs gave away or destroyed blankets, coppers and food to validate titles; Helen Codere called it fighting with property.
Big man and feasts of merit: Sahlins (1963) showed the Melanesian big man building a following by feasts, and among several Naga groups a series of feasts of merit earned rank, ornaments and house decorations. Pierre Bourdieu later described such display as converting economic capital into symbolic capital.
Positive effect on distribution: because status comes from giving, wealth flows outward; Stuart Piddocke (1965) argued that the potlatch redistributed food between groups with good and bad seasons, and feasts level accumulation within the village.
Negative effect: the same display entrenches hierarchy, since only the wealthy can compete, and the poor become debtors or clients. In India, competitive spending on weddings, dowry and feasts drives peasant and tribal households into debt to moneylenders, contributing to land alienation.
Thus conspicuous consumption links wealth to power; whether it serves distributive justice depends on whether it remains redistributive giving embedded in reciprocity or becomes exclusive display backed by market inequality.
Question 5 (50 marks)
Q5(a) · Population Genetics, Race and Human Variation · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Race and Racism
Racism and Eugenics
हिंदी में प्रश्न
प्रजातिवाद और सुजनन-विज्ञान (Eugenics)
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(a)
Approach: Define racism and eugenics with their origins, show how they fed each other (scientific racism, sterilisation laws, Nazism, colonial India), the anthropological critique, and present-day relevance.
Racism is the belief that humans are divided into biologically distinct races with inherent differences in ability and worth, and the discrimination built on that belief. Arthur de Gobineau’s Essay on the Inequality of Human Races (1853–55) and craniometric ranking by Samuel Morton gave it a pseudo-scientific form.
Eugenics, a term coined by Francis Galton in 1883, aimed to improve the hereditary quality of a population by encouraging the fit to reproduce (positive eugenics) and preventing the unfit (negative eugenics). Linked to racism, it produced compulsory sterilisation laws in the USA (upheld in Buck v. Bell, 1927), restrictive immigration acts and, at its extreme, Nazi racial hygiene and genocide.
In India, Risley’s use of the nasal index to rank castes echoed racial thinking.
Boas, Montagu and the UNESCO statements (1950) refuted both. Concerns now arise over genetic testing, embryo selection and racial profiling, so the lessons remain relevant.Q5(b) · Population Genetics, Race and Human Variation · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Hardy–Weinberg Law, Genetic Polymorphism and Inbreeding
Genetic drift
हिंदी में प्रश्न
आनुवंशिक विचलन
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(b)
Approach: Define genetic drift, explain its forms (founder effect, bottleneck) and consequences, with human examples.
Genetic drift, emphasised by Sewall Wright, is the random change in allele frequencies from one generation to the next due to chance sampling of gametes. Its effect is strongest in small, isolated populations.
Forms: (i) founder effect (Ernst Mayr): a new population started by a few individuals carries only part of the parent gene pool; the Old Order Amish of Pennsylvania have a high frequency of Ellis-van Creveld syndrome traced to one founding couple; (ii) bottleneck: a sharp fall in numbers leaves a skewed gene pool, as on Pingelap atoll, where after a typhoon in the 1770s about 5 to 10 per cent of the people now have complete colour blindness (achromatopsia).
Classic study: Bentley Glass (1952) found that the Dunkers, a small religious isolate in Pennsylvania, differed in ABO and MN frequencies from both their German homeland and surrounding Americans.
Consequences: loss of heterozygosity, fixation or loss of alleles and differentiation of isolates, as in many endogamous Indian groups and tribes such as the Andamanese.Q5(c) · Culture, Communication and Research Methods · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Fieldwork Tradition, Technique, Method and Methodology
Experiential Ethnography
हिंदी में प्रश्न
अनुभवजन्य नृजाति-वर्णन
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(c)
Approach: Define experiential ethnography, explain its premises with key works, and evaluate.
Experiential ethnography treats the ethnographer’s own bodily, emotional and sensory experience in the field as a legitimate source of knowledge, rather than something to be suppressed for objectivity. It grew from the anthropology of experience (Victor Turner and Edward Bruner, The Anthropology of Experience, 1986), phenomenology and the reflexive turn.
Premises: understanding comes from participating, not only observing; emotions and senses are data; and writing should convey lived experience.
Examples: Jean Briggs’s Never in Anger (1970) used her own outbursts and their rejection by Utku Inuit hosts to reveal emotional norms; Renato Rosaldo understood Ilongot headhunters’ rage only after grieving his wife’s death (1989); Paul Stoller’s apprenticeship in Songhay sorcery (In Sorcery’s Shadow, 1987) led to his sensuous scholarship (1997).
It gives depth and empathy, but critics warn of subjectivity, difficulty of verification and the risk that the ethnographer’s story eclipses the people studied.Q5(d) · Reproductive Biology, Demography and Applied Anthropology · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Applications of Anthropology
Ethics and Genetic engineering
हिंदी में प्रश्न
नीतिशास्त्र और आनुवंशिक अभियांत्रिकी
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(d)
Approach: A short note: define genetic engineering, then list the main ethical issues (safety, germline editing, eugenics, consent, justice, biodiversity) with examples and the regulatory response.
Genetic engineering is the direct alteration of an organism's DNA by recombinant DNA methods or gene-editing tools such as CRISPR-Cas9 (2012); it gives gene therapy, GM crops and new medicines.
Ethical issues: safety and off-target effects; the line between somatic therapy, which affects one patient, and germline editing, which passes changes to descendants, crossed by He Jiankui's twins in China in 2018; the return of eugenics through enhancement and designer babies; informed consent and genetic privacy; unequal access to costly therapies; patents on genes and biopiracy of indigenous resources; and ecological risk from GM organisms.
Responses: the Asilomar conference (1975) set early safeguards; in India the Genetic Engineering Appraisal Committee regulates GM organisms and the ICMR issued national guidelines for gene therapy (2019); the Nagoya Protocol (2010) requires benefit-sharing, as the Kani-Jeevani case anticipated.
Anthropologists add that cultural values about kinship, disability and the body shape what societies accept, so regulation needs public dialogue, not only expert approval.Q5(e) · Ecological Anthropology, Epidemiology and Human Growth · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Human Growth, Development and Ageing
Senescence
हिंदी में प्रश्न
जीर्णता
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(e)
Approach: Define senescence, distinguish it from ageing, describe biological changes, causes and variation, and its social dimension.
Senescence is the biological process of deterioration with age, after maturity, in which the capacity of cells, tissues and organs to maintain function and respond to stress declines, so that the probability of death rises with age. Ageing is the broader passage of time, including social and psychological change; senescence is its biological decline.
Changes: loss of muscle and bone mass (sarcopenia, osteoporosis), reduced lung capacity and cardiac output, stiffer arteries, slower nerve conduction, weaker immunity, greying hair, wrinkled skin, presbyopia and hearing loss, and in women menopause.
Causes include cellular senescence and telomere shortening (the Hayflick limit), free radical damage and DNA damage, while evolutionary theories (Medawar, Williams, Kirkwood) explain why repair is incomplete.
Rates vary with genes, nutrition, activity and social conditions, so healthy ageing is possible; how societies treat the elderly shapes the experience of senescence.
Question 6 (50 marks)
Q6(a) · Ecological Anthropology, Epidemiology and Human Growth · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Human Growth, Development and Ageing
Secular trend in human growth can be positive, negative or neutral. Illustrate with examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
मानव वृद्धि में लौकिक (सेक्यूलर) प्रवृत्ति सकारात्मक, नकारात्मक अथवा तटस्थ हो सकती है । उदाहरणों सहित स्पष्ट कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(a)
Approach: Define secular trend, then illustrate positive, negative and neutral trends with world and Indian examples and their causes, and conclude on what the trend reveals about living conditions.
A secular trend is a long-term change in growth and maturation across successive generations of a population, in body size, shape or timing of maturation, caused mainly by changing environmental conditions rather than genetic change. Because growth is sensitive to nutrition and health, the trend acts as a mirror of living standards.
Positive trend: increases in size and earlier maturation. Average age at menarche in Europe fell from about 16 to 17 years in the mid-nineteenth century to about 13 by the late twentieth century; the Dutch grew by around 20 cm in 150 years to become the tallest people; post-war Japanese children grew markedly taller with better diet and health. In India, gains have been modest and uneven, larger among urban and better-off groups. Causes include better nutrition, control of infectious disease, smaller families, sanitation and possibly heterosis from outbreeding.
Negative trend: decreases in stature or delayed maturation during war, famine, economic crisis or epidemics, as among children during the world wars, in parts of sub-Saharan Africa in the economic crises of the 1980s and 1990s, and in North Korea, where people are several centimetres shorter than South Koreans of the same ancestry. Analyses of NFHS data have reported slight declines in adult height for some Indian groups.
Neutral trend: no significant change, either because conditions stayed stagnant, as in some poor rural and tribal communities, or because populations have reached their genetic potential, as stature has plateaued in the Netherlands, Scandinavia and the USA since the late twentieth century.
The direction of the secular trend thus measures a society’s nutrition, health and equality; anthropologists use it to monitor development and inequality.Q6(b) · Ecological Anthropology, Epidemiology and Human Growth · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Epidemiological Anthropology
Describe the impact of infectious diseases on indigenous populations.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
देशज जनसंख्याओं पर संक्रामक रोगों के प्रभाव का वर्णन कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(b)
Approach: Explain why indigenous peoples are vulnerable (virgin-soil epidemics, isolation, social determinants), give world historical cases and Indian cases (Andamanese, malaria, TB, COVID-19), and conclude with protective measures.
Infectious diseases have shaped the history of indigenous peoples more than any other factor. Isolated populations lacking prior exposure suffer virgin-soil epidemics (Alfred Crosby, 1976), in which a new pathogen strikes all age groups at once.
World cases: after 1492, smallpox, measles and influenza brought by Europeans killed a very large share of the native population of the Americas, probably most of it in many regions; Hawaiians, Australian Aborigines and Pacific Islanders suffered similar collapses. In 1968, James Neel documented a measles epidemic among the Yanomami of Venezuela and Brazil.
Indian cases: the Great Andamanese, estimated at several thousand in the mid-nineteenth century, fell to a few dozen by the 1960s after contact brought syphilis, measles, influenza and pneumonia; the Jarawa suffered a measles outbreak in 2006. Today Scheduled Tribes, about 8.6 per cent of India’s population (Census 2011), bear a disproportionate share of malaria cases and deaths in forest districts of Odisha, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand; tuberculosis is very common among the Saharia of Madhya Pradesh.
Causes: lack of immunity, malnutrition, displacement, poor housing and water, distance from health services and, sometimes, cultural mistrust of biomedicine.
Protection requires restricted and careful contact with isolated groups, as under the Andaman protection regulation (1956), culturally sensitive health services, vaccination, malaria control and attention to the social determinants of health.Q6(c) · Human Genetics: Methods, Inheritance and Chromosomes · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Chromosomes and Chromosomal Aberrations
How may numerical aberrations in sex chromosomes lead to genetic disorders ?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
लिंग गुणसूत्रों में संख्यात्मक विपथन कैसे आनुवंशिक विकारों का कारण हो सकते हैं ?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(c)
Approach: Explain how non-disjunction in either parent produces sex-chromosome aneuploidies, describe the resulting disorders, and explain the role of X inactivation and the Y chromosome; a non-disjunction diagram helps.
Numerical aberrations of the sex chromosomes arise mainly through non-disjunction, the failure of X or Y chromosomes to separate in meiosis I or II in either parent (or in early mitosis, producing mosaics). A resulting gamete carries two sex chromosomes or none, and fertilisation gives an embryo with an abnormal number.
Disorders: (i) Turner syndrome (45,X; about 1 in 2,500 female births), often from loss of the paternal sex chromosome: short stature, webbed neck, streak ovaries, absent puberty and infertility, coarctation of the aorta; (ii) Klinefelter syndrome (47,XXY; about 1 in 600 to 1,000 males), from maternal or paternal non-disjunction: tall stature, small testes, low testosterone, infertility and sometimes breast development; (iii) 47,XYY, from paternal meiosis II error: tall, usually normal males; (iv) 47,XXX: tall, usually normal females; (v) variants such as 48,XXXY and 49,XXXXY, where each extra X increases intellectual disability.
Mechanism of disease: by the Lyon hypothesis (1961), all X chromosomes but one are inactivated as Barr bodies, so extra Xs are partly silenced; symptoms arise from genes escaping inactivation, such as SHOX (too few copies in Turner, too many in Klinefelter). The SRY gene on the Y determines maleness, so any karyotype with a Y is male.
Diagram: meiosis in a parent showing normal disjunction beside non-disjunction producing XX and O gametes, and their fusion giving XXY and XO zygotes.
Question 7 (50 marks)
Q7(a) · Culture, Communication and Research Methods · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Culture, Language and Communication
Explain how variations in language usage is related to social inequality.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भाषा प्रयोग में विभिन्नताएँ कैसे सामाजिक असमानता से संबंधित हैं, व्याख्या कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(a)
Approach: Explain the link between linguistic variation and inequality through sociolinguistic theory (Labov, Bernstein, Bourdieu, gender studies), then apply it to India (caste speech, English, tribal languages and schooling), concluding with policy.
Language varies not only between societies but within them, by class, caste, gender, region and ethnicity. Because some varieties are treated as standard and others as inferior, these variations both reflect and reproduce social inequality.
Class: William Labov’s New York department store study (1966) showed that pronouncing post-vocalic r rose with the store’s social prestige, so speech marks class. Basil Bernstein argued that working-class children use a restricted code and middle-class children an elaborated code that schools reward, disadvantaging the former.
Power: Pierre Bourdieu (Language and Symbolic Power, 1991) called the legitimate language a form of linguistic capital; those who command it gain profits in the linguistic market of school, office and law.
Gender: Robin Lakoff (Language and Woman’s Place, 1975) argued that women are socialised into hedges and tag questions that signal deference; later scholars debated this, but forms of address and interruption often mirror gender hierarchy.
India: Gumperz found caste-related speech differences in Khalapur, with lower castes’ forms stigmatised. English functions as an elite language that opens jobs, while vernacular-medium students face disadvantage. Tribal children taught in Hindi or Odia rather than Santali, Gondi or Kui have high dropout; Census 2011 recorded 121 languages, only 22 in the Eighth Schedule. Santali was added only in 2003 (92nd Amendment), while Gondi, spoken by millions, still lacks it.
Remedies include multilingual mother-tongue education (Odisha’s programme for tribal languages; NEP 2020 recommending the home language up to at least Class 5), recognition of tribal scripts such as Ol Chiki, and documentation of endangered languages. Linguistic justice is thus part of social justice.Q7(b) · Ecological Anthropology, Epidemiology and Human Growth · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Ecological Anthropology and Bio-cultural Adaptation
Describe the biocultural responses to extreme climatic events.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
चरम जलवायु घटनाओं के प्रति जैव-सांस्कृतिक अनुक्रियाओं का वर्णन कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(b)
Approach: Define extreme climatic events, then describe biological responses (heat, cold, nutritional and disease stress) and cultural responses (traditional knowledge, housing, mobility, institutions), with Indian and world examples, and conclude on resilience.
Extreme climatic events such as heat waves, cold waves, floods, cyclones, droughts and tsunamis impose sudden stress on human populations, and are becoming more frequent with climate change. Human responses combine physiology and culture.
Biological responses: repeated heat exposure produces heat acclimatization within one to two weeks, with earlier and more profuse sweating, lower salt loss and expanded plasma volume; cold waves trigger vasoconstriction, shivering and raised metabolism. Droughts and floods cause undernutrition, growth faltering and outbreaks of diarrhoea, cholera and malaria, while the elderly, infants and outdoor workers are most vulnerable.
Cultural responses: traditional ecological knowledge saved the Onge and Jarawa of the Andamans and the Moken of Thailand during the 2004 tsunami, as they moved to high ground on reading natural signs; the Mising of Assam build stilt houses (chang ghar) against floods; Rabari and other pastoralists migrate during drought; desert houses with thick walls reduce heat. Modern institutions add Ahmedabad’s Heat Action Plan (2013) and Odisha’s cyclone shelters and evacuations, which cut deaths during Cyclone Phailin (2013).
Vulnerability depends on poverty and marginality, so resilience requires combining indigenous knowledge, biological understanding and equitable public policy.Q7(c) · Population Genetics, Race and Human Variation · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Hardy–Weinberg Law, Genetic Polymorphism and Inbreeding
How do marriage rules impact the gene pool of populations ?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
समष्टियों में विवाह के नियम कैसे जीन कोश को प्रभावित करते हैं ?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(c)
Approach: Explain how each marriage rule (endogamy, consanguinity and cross-cousin or uncle-niece marriage, exogamy, assortative mating, polygyny, hypergamy) alters genotype frequencies and population structure, with Indian examples and the inbreeding coefficient.
Marriage rules decide who mates with whom, so they break the random-mating assumption of the Hardy-Weinberg law and shape the gene pool of a population.
Endogamy: marriage within caste, sub-caste or tribe divides a population into many breeding isolates. Genetic studies (Reich and colleagues, 2009; Nakatsuka and colleagues, 2017) found that many Indian groups have experienced strong founder events and have been endogamous for up to two to three thousand years, leading to high frequencies of particular recessive disorders, such as butyrylcholinesterase deficiency among the Vysya of Andhra Pradesh.
Consanguinity: cross-cousin and uncle-niece marriages, common in parts of South India, raise homozygosity. The inbreeding coefficient (F) is 1/16 for first-cousin and 1/8 for uncle-niece marriages; offspring show more recessive disorders, stillbirths and child deaths. Inbreeding changes genotype frequencies, not allele frequencies.
Exogamy and other rules: clan and village exogamy among the Gond, Munda and north Indian Hindus spread genes more widely and reduce inbreeding; assortative mating for stature or education increases homozygosity for related traits; polygyny lets some men father more children, reducing effective population size; hypergamy carries women’s genes up the caste hierarchy.
Thus social rules are evolutionary forces: they govern genetic structure, disease burden and the success of carrier screening.
Question 8 (50 marks)
Q8(a) · Foundations of Anthropology · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Main Branches of Anthropology
How can synergising the core branches of anthropology reinvigorate the holistic spirit of the discipline ?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
नृविज्ञान की मूल शाखाओं की सहक्रियाशीलता से विषय के समग्र स्वरूप को कैसे पुनर्जीवित किया जा सकता है ?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(a)
Approach: Explain the four-field holistic ideal and the drift toward specialisation, then show with concrete examples how synergy between branches answers big questions, and suggest ways to reinvigorate holism.
Franz Boas built American anthropology on the four-field approach: social-cultural, biological, archaeological and linguistic anthropology, united by the holistic study of humankind. With growing specialisation the fields drifted apart, and some departments, such as Stanford in 1998, even split, which raised the fear that holism would be lost.
Why synergy matters: big human questions cross the fields. The peopling of India is now studied by combining ancient DNA from Rakhigarhi (2019), archaeology of Harappan and Neolithic sites, and the distribution of Austroasiatic, Dravidian and Indo-European languages.
Health: the sickle-cell gene in central Indian tribes is understood through genetics (biological), malaria ecology and farming (cultural and archaeological), and local terms for illness (linguistic), which together guide screening programmes.
Human origins: fossils, stone tools, primate behaviour and the evolution of language together explain how culture and biology co-evolved, a central theme of the biocultural approach.
Contemporary issues: climate change, migration and disasters need ecological, biological and cultural expertise together; forensic anthropology combines skeletal biology and archaeological recovery, as in identifying victims of mass disasters.
Ways to reinvigorate holism: integrated syllabi and field schools; joint projects such as bioarchaeology, which reads health and diet from skeletons, and ethnoarchaeology, which uses living communities to interpret the past; shared ethics of community collaboration; and policy work on tribal development that draws on all branches.
Specialisation brings depth, but synergy restores breadth, and anthropology's unique claim to study the whole human being depends on keeping its branches in dialogue.Q8(b) · Reproductive Biology, Demography and Applied Anthropology · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Applications of Anthropology
What are the applications of human genomic research in human welfare ?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
मानव कल्याण में मानव जीनोमी शोध के क्या अनुप्रयोग हैं ?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(b)
Approach: Introduce human genomic research (HGP to GenomeIndia), then list welfare applications in diagnosis, treatment, prevention, public health, forensics and anthropology, ending with ethical safeguards.
Human genomic research studies the whole human genome and its variation. The Human Genome Project (1990–2003) read about three billion base pairs, and the Telomere-to-Telomere consortium completed the sequence in 2022; in India the GenomeIndia project released data on 10,000 genomes from diverse communities in 2025.
Diagnosis and prevention: identification of genes for thousands of single-gene disorders; newborn, carrier and prenatal screening, as in the Department of Biotechnology's UMMID initiative (2019) for inherited disorders and the National Sickle Cell Anaemia Elimination Mission (2023) in tribal areas; risk scores for diabetes, heart disease and cancers such as BRCA1/2-linked breast cancer.
Treatment: pharmacogenomics to choose drugs and doses (for example HLA-B*15:02 testing before carbamazepine); targeted cancer therapy based on tumour mutations; gene therapy and CRISPR treatments for sickle-cell disease and thalassaemia (Casgevy, 2023).
Public health, law and anthropology: genomic surveillance of pathogens, as with SARS-CoV-2 variants through INSACOG; DNA profiling for justice and disaster victim identification; and population history, such as founder effects within endogamous Indian groups that raise recessive disease risk (Nakatsuka and colleagues, 2017).
Benefits will reach people only with consent, data privacy, benefit-sharing with the communities sampled and affordable access; otherwise genomics may widen health inequality.Q8(c) · Culture, Communication and Research Methods · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Fieldwork Tradition, Technique, Method and Methodology
How have interpretation and presentation of data changed from classical to contemporary writings in anthropological texts ?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
नृविज्ञानी मूल अवतरणों में कालजयी (क्लासिकल) से लेकर समसामयिक लेखनों में आँकड़ों की व्याख्या एवं प्रस्तुतीकरण के कारण कैसे परिवर्तन आए हैं ?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(c)
Approach: Contrast classical and contemporary ethnographic writing on interpretation (theory, authority, voice) and presentation (form, style, media), with examples, then conclude.
The way anthropologists interpret and present field data has changed from the confident realist monographs of the classical period to reflexive, plural and experimental texts today.
Classical interpretation: data were explained through grand frameworks, functionalism in Malinowski’s Argonauts (1922) and structural-functionalism in Evans-Pritchard’s The Nuer (1940). The ethnographer was an invisible, omniscient authority; the society was presented as bounded, timeless and harmonious in the ethnographic present; informants appeared rarely by name.
Classical presentation: the holistic monograph arranged by institutions (economy, kinship, politics, religion), with genealogies, maps and tables. John Van Maanen (Tales of the Field, 1988) called this the realist tale.
Contemporary interpretation: after Geertz and Writing Culture (1986), interpretation is seen as partial and positioned; meanings, power, history and global links are emphasised, and the ethnographer’s own role is analysed through reflexivity.
Contemporary presentation: confessional and impressionist tales, polyphonic texts quoting informants at length (Marjorie Shostak’s Nisa, 1981, the life of a !Kung woman), life histories, auto-ethnography, photographs, film and digital media, mixed-method charts, collaborative writing with communities, and anonymisation for ethics.
Classical texts gave rigour and comparison; contemporary texts give voice and honesty. The best writing combines both.
UPSC Mains 2020 Anthropology Paper II
Question 1 (50 marks)
Q1(a) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Prehistoric Cultures of India
Contribution of Robert Bruce Foote to Indian Archaeology
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारतीय पुरातत्त्वविज्ञान में रॉबर्ट ब्रूस फूट का योगदान
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(a)
Approach: A short note on Robert Bruce Foote: who he was, his key discoveries, publications and legacy.
Robert Bruce Foote (1834–1912), a geologist of the Geological Survey of India from 1858, is called the father of Indian prehistory.
On 30 May 1863 he found a handaxe at Pallavaram near Madras, the first recognised Palaeolithic tool in India, and with William King soon after found Attirampakkam in the Kortallaiyar valley, now dated to about 1.5 million years. The Acheulian of the region became known as the Madras handaxe industry.
Over four decades he located hundreds of Palaeolithic, Neolithic and Iron Age sites in the south and Deccan, including Neolithic sites around Bellary, and in 1884 explored the Billa Surgam caves of Kurnool with his son, finding animal bones and bone tools.
His collection is in the Government Museum, Chennai, and his catalogues of Indian prehistoric and protohistoric antiquities (1914, 1916) remain basic references. By placing artefacts in geological context he set the scientific foundation on which Sankalia, Misra and Paddayya later built.Q1(b) · Demographic Profile and the Traditional Indian Social System · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Ethnic and Linguistic Elements in the Indian Population
Debates on 'Aryan' invasion
हिंदी में प्रश्न
'आर्य' आक्रमण पर वादविवाद
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(b)
Approach: A short note: the invasion theory and its origin, the evidence against invasion, the migration model with linguistic and genetic evidence, and the indigenist counter-view; mark it as debated.
The Aryan invasion theory, shaped by nineteenth-century philology (Max Müller, who himself said Aryan was a linguistic, not racial, term), held that Indo-Aryan-speaking warriors conquered the subcontinent; Mortimer Wheeler linked it to the end of the Harappan cities.
Against invasion: George Dales (1964) called the Mohenjo-daro 'massacre' mythical; Harappan decline was gradual and ecological; and there is no archaeological layer of conquest. Indigenist writers argue that Indo-Aryan speech originated in India (the 'Out of India' view).
Migration model: the close relationship of Sanskrit to Avestan and other Indo-European languages, and ancient DNA, support gradual migrations rather than invasion: Narasimhan and colleagues (2019) found steppe-related ancestry entering South Asia in the second millennium BCE, after the mature Harappan phase, while the Rakhigarhi genome (2019) lacked it.
The scholarly consensus now favours migration and cultural mixing over conquest, but the subject remains politically sensitive and debated in public discourse.Q1(c) · Anthropology in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Indian Anthropologists and Tribal and Caste Studies
Contribution of K. S. Singh to Indian Anthropology
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारतीय नृविज्ञान में के. एस. सिंह का योगदान
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(c)
Approach: A short note covering Singh's three main contributions: tribal movements and Birsa Munda, tribal situation studies, and the People of India project.
Kumar Suresh Singh (1935–2008), an IAS officer turned historian-anthropologist, was Director-General of the Anthropological Survey of India and one of its most influential leaders.
Tribal movements: his study of the Birsa Munda movement (The Dust-Storm and the Hanging Mist, 1966) and the edited volumes Tribal Movements in India (1982, 1983) classified movements by their agrarian, religious-reformist and political-autonomy aims. He also edited The Tribal Situation in India (1972).
People of India project: launched in 1985, it surveyed every community in the country and identified 4,635 communities, publishing volumes on national, state and community profiles. It documented their languages, occupations, customs and change, and showed extensive sharing of traits across communities.
Critics question the speed and survey method of the project, but Singh's work gave India its most comprehensive ethnographic database and a historical understanding of tribal unrest.Q1(d) · Demographic Profile and the Traditional Indian Social System · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Ethnic and Linguistic Elements in the Indian Population
Dravidian languages
हिंदी में प्रश्न
द्रविड़ भाषायें
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(d)
Approach: A short note: the family, sub-groups with examples, distribution and speakers, and cultural features.
The Dravidian family, named by Robert Caldwell (1856), is India's second largest, with 19.64 percent of speakers (Census 2011), concentrated in the south but with tribal pockets in central and eastern India.
Sub-groups: South (Tamil 5.70 percent, Malayalam, Kannada, Tulu, Toda), South-Central (Telugu 6.70 percent, Gondi, Kui), Central (Kolami, Parji) and North (Kurukh, Malto, and Brahui in Balochistan).
Features: agglutinative grammar, retroflex consonants that also entered Indo-Aryan, and an ancient literature, the Tamil Sangam corpus of the early centuries CE; Tamil became India's first classical language in 2004. Dravidian kinship terminology, which distinguishes cross from parallel cousins and favours cross-cousin marriage (Thomas Trautmann, Dravidian Kinship, 1981), is a major anthropological marker.
Some scholars, such as Asko Parpola, propose that the Harappans spoke a Dravidian language, but this remains unproven.Q1(e) · Indian Village, Minorities and Social Change · 10 marks≈ 7 min
The Indian Village
'Khap' Panchayat
हिंदी में प्रश्न
'खाप' पंचायत
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(e)
Approach: A short note: what khap panchayats are and where, their functions and rules (gotra and village exogamy), conflict with law (honour killings, Shakti Vahini 2018), and a balanced comment.
A khap is a traditional council of a clan (gotra) or of a group of villages, found mainly among the Jats and some other castes of Haryana, western Uttar Pradesh and parts of Rajasthan; a sarv khap brings several khaps together.
Khaps historically settled disputes over land, water and family matters and enforced community norms. Their best-known rules are gotra and village exogamy: marriage within the same gotra, the same village or neighbouring villages is treated as incest.
Enforcement of these rules has led to boycotts, forced separations and honour killings, as in the Manoj–Babli case (2007), which ended in death sentences by a Karnal court in 2010 that were later commuted. In Shakti Vahini v. Union of India (2018) the Supreme Court held that consenting adults may marry freely and issued guidelines against khap interference.
Khaps claim to protect tradition and sometimes campaign against dowry or alcohol, but they illustrate the clash between caste-kinship authority and constitutional rights.
Question 2 (50 marks)
Q2(a) · Caste System and Religions in Indian Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Sacred Complex, Nature-Man-Spirit Complex and the Impact of Religions
Discuss the impact of Islam on Indian Society.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारतीय समाज पर इस्लाम के प्रभाव की विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(a)
Approach: Trace the arrival of Islam, then analyse its impact on religion, society (caste, gender), culture (language, art, music, food) and polity/economy, noting syncretism and conflict, and conclude on composite culture.
Islam reached India through Arab traders on the Malabar coast, where the Mappila community grew, through the Arab conquest of Sindh in 712, and then through the Delhi Sultanate and the Mughal empire. Census 2011 counted 17.22 crore Muslims (14.2%).
Religious impact: Sufi orders, especially the Chishtis (Moinuddin Chishti at Ajmer, Nizamuddin Auliya at Delhi), spread a devotional Islam that met the Bhakti movement. Kabir and Guru Nanak drew on both traditions, and Akbar's sulh-i-kul and Dara Shikoh's Persian translation of the Upanishads (1657) expressed dialogue.
Social impact: Islam's egalitarian creed attracted some lower groups, though Richard Eaton argues that conversion in Bengal came mainly through frontier agrarian expansion, not escape from caste. Caste persisted among Muslims as Ashraf, Ajlaf and Arzal (Ansari, 1960; Imtiaz Ahmad, 1973). The spread of purdah among elite Hindu households is often linked to Muslim rule, a debated claim.
Cultural impact: Indo-Islamic architecture (Qutb Minar, Taj Mahal), the Urdu language and Hindustani, Persian learning, Hindustani music and qawwali associated with Amir Khusrau, miniature painting, new crafts, dress and cuisine became part of a shared composite culture.
Political and economic impact: the iqta and mansabdari systems, Todar Mal's revenue reforms, new towns, roads and trade networks shaped later administration, and Persian remained the court language until 1837.
Syncretism and conflict: Hindus visit dargahs, the Satya Pir cult in Bengal and the mixed customs of the Meos show blending, while temple destruction in some periods, Partition (1947) and communal riots show conflict. The Sachar Committee (2006) documented present Muslim backwardness.
Islam has thus become an integral part of Indian civilisation, enriching it while itself being Indianised.Q2(b) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Prehistoric Cultures of India
Discuss the contribution of V. N. Misra to Archaeological Anthropology in India.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में पुरातत्त्वीय नृविज्ञान में व्ही. एन. मिश्र के योगदान की विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(b)
Approach: Discuss V.N. Misra's contributions under heads: Palaeolithic and palaeo-environment, Mesolithic (Bagor), rock art (Bhimbetka), Chalcolithic (Balathal), ethno-archaeology, and institution-building.
Virendra Nath Misra (1935–2015) of Deccan College, Pune, was a leading prehistorian whose work on Rajasthan and central India joined archaeology with geology, ecology and anthropology.
Palaeolithic and environment: his early survey of the Berach basin in south Rajasthan, and later the Didwana excavations with S.N. Rajaguru, which gave a long Acheulian to Middle Palaeolithic sequence in the Thar and linked tool industries to past wet and dry climates.
Mesolithic: excavation of Bagor on the Kothari river (from 1968), one of India's largest Mesolithic sites, with stone-paved floors, burials and evidence of early domestic sheep and goat, showing the transition from foraging to herding. Rock art: excavation at Bhimbetka in the 1970s, which gave a long sequence from the Acheulian to historic times in the shelters.
Chalcolithic: excavation of Balathal near Udaipur (1994–2000), an Ahar-Banas settlement with a fortification, mud-brick houses and early farming from the fourth millennium BCE. Ethno-archaeology: he used the life of Rajasthan's pastoralists and hunting groups to interpret Bagor and other sites.
Institutions: he edited the journal Man and Environment of the Indian Society for Prehistoric and Quaternary Studies and trained a generation at Deccan College.
Misra's legacy is an ecological, multidisciplinary archaeological anthropology that treats prehistoric people as adapting to changing environments, a model for Indian prehistory.Q2(c) · Tribal Situation and Problems in India · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Tribal Situation in India
Elucidate the linguistic classification of Indian tribes.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारतीय जनजातियों के भाषाई वर्गीकरण पर प्रकाश डालिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(c)
Approach: Classify tribal languages into the four families plus Andamanese, with examples and regions for each, add a family-tree diagram, and note bilingualism, endangerment and recognition.
Indian tribes speak languages of all four major language families of India, plus the distinct Andamanese languages, a classification going back to George Grierson's Linguistic Survey of India (1894–1928).
Austro-Asiatic: the Munda branch (Santali, Mundari, Ho, Kharia, Savara, Juang, Gadaba, Korku) of central and eastern India, and the Khasi and Nicobarese languages. Dravidian: Gondi, Kurukh (Oraon), Malto (Maler), Kui and Kuvi (Kondh), Parji, and Toda, Kota and Irula in the Nilgiris. Tibeto-Burman: the Naga languages, Mizo, Garo, Bodo, Kokborok, Apatani, Adi and Lepcha of the Himalaya and north-east. Indo-Aryan: Bhili, Halbi and Sadri, adopted by many tribes through contact.
Andamanese: the Great Andamanese and the Ongan languages (Onge, Jarawa) form separate families; Sentinelese is unknown.
Diagram: a tree with five branches, Austro-Asiatic, Dravidian, Tibeto-Burman, Indo-Aryan and Andamanese, each listing three or four tribal languages and their regions.
Many tribes are bilingual and some have shifted to regional languages, as Oraons using Sadri; UNESCO (2009) listed about 197 Indian languages as endangered, most of them tribal. Santali and Bodo were added to the Eighth Schedule in 2003, and scripts such as Ol Chiki (Santali) and Warang Citi (Ho) support identity.
Linguistic classification thus reveals tribal history and contact, and guides mother-tongue education under NEP 2020.
Question 3 (50 marks)
Q3(a) · Caste System and Religions in Indian Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Caste: Structure, Varna and Theories of Origin
Discuss the characteristics of caste system in India.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में वर्ण व्यवस्था के अभिलक्षणों का विवेचन कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(a)
Approach: Define caste, then explain its characteristics using Ghurye's six features supplemented by Bouglé, Dumont and Srinivas, with village examples, and note how each feature is changing.
Caste is a hereditary, endogamous group traditionally linked to an occupation and ranked in a local hierarchy governed by ideas of purity and pollution (M.N. Srinivas). G.S. Ghurye (Caste and Race in India, 1932) listed six features that remain the standard starting point.
(i) Segmental division: each caste is a distinct group with its own panchayat, which once judged breaches of custom, so membership is fixed by birth. (ii) Hierarchy: castes are ranked from Brahmin at the top to untouchable castes at the bottom, though the middle ranks are disputed in each region.
(iii) Restrictions on feeding and social intercourse: rules on who may accept kachcha (water-cooked) and pakka (fried) food mark rank. (iv) Civil and religious disabilities: untouchable castes were denied wells, temples and certain streets, as in the Vaikom satyagraha (1924–25) in Travancore.
(v) Lack of free choice of occupation: occupations were hereditary and tied together by jajmani exchange, as William Wiser described in Karimpur (1936). (vi) Restrictions on marriage: endogamy is the core feature, combined with gotra exogamy and rules of hypergamy, as among Rajputs.
Other scholars add to this list. Célestin Bouglé (1908) stressed hierarchy, hereditary specialisation and repulsion; Louis Dumont (Homo Hierarchicus, 1966) argued that the opposition of pure and impure underlies all the features, with status encompassing power.
Today hereditary occupation, commensal taboos and the authority of caste panchayats have weakened with urbanisation, education and Article 17. Endogamy and caste-based political mobilisation remain strong, so caste has changed from a ritual hierarchy into a system of competing identities, but it has not disappeared.Q3(b) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Palaeo-anthropological Evidence and Ethno-archaeology in India
Discuss the importance of Ethnoarchaeology in reconstructing the Past citing Indian examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
अतीत की पुनर्रचना में भारतीय उदाहरणों को उद्धृत करते हुए नृजाति पुरातत्त्व-विज्ञान के महत्त्व की विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(b)
Approach: Define ethno-archaeology and explain how it helps reconstruct the past (methods and uses), with Indian examples by community type, then its cautions.
Ethno-archaeology is the study of living communities by archaeologists to understand how material remains are made, used, discarded and preserved, so that the static archaeological record can be read as past behaviour; Lewis Binford's Nunamiut Ethnoarchaeology (1978) made it central to the New Archaeology.
How it helps: it shows the function of tools, craft techniques, household and settlement layout, seasonal mobility, discard and site formation, and ritual and burial, and it generates testable hypotheses.
Indian examples: hunting and foraging by the Birhor, Chenchu and Andaman Islanders help interpret Mesolithic camps and shell middens; Raika and Gujjar pastoral camps parallel Bagor and the southern Neolithic ash mounds (F.R. Allchin); Dhavalikar's study of Maharashtra villages illuminated Inamgaon houses and granaries; Khambhat bead-makers (Kenoyer, Vidale and Bhan, 1991) revealed Harappan drilling and polishing; Dhokra lost-wax casting explains the Harappan dancing girl; and Khasi and Munda memorial stones explain megaliths.
Cautions: the direct historical fallacy of assuming present communities are unchanged since prehistory; tribes are historical agents with trade and state contact, not living fossils; and analogies must be tested, as Binford's middle-range theory requires. Used critically, ethno-archaeology brings the Indian past to life and also helps protect living crafts and knowledge.Q3(c) · Religion and Tribes; Tribe and Nation State · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Impact of Religions on Tribal Societies
Explain the impact of Hinduism on Tribal people of India.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में जनजातीय लोगों पर हिंदुत्व के प्रभाव की व्याख्या कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(c)
Approach: Explain the processes through which Hinduism influenced tribes (absorption, Sanskritisation, Rajputisation, reform movements, organisations), with named tribes and scholars, then assess positive and negative effects.
Hinduism and tribal religions have interacted for centuries along the frontier between peasant and forest societies. Unlike Christianity, Hindu influence worked mostly through gradual absorption rather than formal conversion.
Hindu method of tribal absorption: N.K. Bose (1941) showed how the Juang of Odisha adopted Hindu deities, festivals, Brahmin priests and occupations and were slotted into the caste order as a low caste.
Rajputisation and Sanskritisation: Surajit Sinha described Bhumij chiefs claiming Kshatriya status, and Raj Gond rulers adopted Rajput genealogies; ordinary tribals gave up beef, adopted vegetarianism and Hindu rites (M.N. Srinivas's Sanskritisation).
Reform movements: the Tana Bhagat movement among the Oraon (1914) and Govind Guru's movement among the Bhils (early 1900s) rejected meat, liquor and spirit worship.
Two-way exchange: tribal deities entered Hinduism, as with Danteshwari of Bastar; a tribal origin of the Jagannath cult of Puri is suggested but debated.
Organisations: the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (1952) runs schools and hostels and promotes Hindu identity, including 'ghar wapsi' campaigns.
Effects: integration into regional society and markets, but also caste-like ranking, decline of dormitories, restrictions on women, and tension with Christian tribals; the Sarna movement now asserts a separate religious identity. Hindu influence thus produced a tribe-caste continuum rather than a sharp break.
Question 4 (50 marks)
Q4(a) · Weaker Sections, Ethnicity and Tribal Change · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Exploitation of SCs, STs and OBCs and Constitutional Safeguards
Explain the reasons of caste violence in India with suitable examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में जाति हिंसा के कारणों की उपयुक्त उदाहरणों सहित व्याख्या कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(a)
Approach: Explain the structural, economic, political and cultural reasons for caste violence, illustrating each with documented incidents, and conclude with remedies.
Caste violence is collective physical, sexual or symbolic violence directed at members of a caste, most often by dominant castes against Dalits, to enforce hierarchy. NCRB recorded about 57,800 crimes against Scheduled Castes in 2023.
Structural reason (hierarchy and purity): Louis Dumont's opposition of pure and impure and the ideology of untouchability legitimise punishment of those who cross boundaries; the 2016 flogging of Dalit tanners at Una (Gujarat) over cattle skins shows violence linked to 'polluting' occupations.
Economic reason (land and labour): conflicts over wages and land between landlords and landless Dalit labourers produced massacres such as Kilvenmani in Tamil Nadu (1968, 44 Dalits burnt) and Laxmanpur Bathe in Bihar (1997, 58 killed by the Ranvir Sena).
Dalit assertion and backlash: as education, reservation and migration raise Dalit aspirations, dominant castes (in M.N. Srinivas's sense) react violently to Dalit mobility and political assertion; the Khairlanji killings of the Bhotmange family (Maharashtra, 2006) and the clashes at Bhima Koregaon (1 January 2018) are examples.
Honour and gender: inter-caste marriage and love threaten endogamy, the core of caste in Ambedkar's analysis, leading to 'honour' killings such as the murder of Shankar in Udumalaipettai (Tamil Nadu, 2016); sexual violence against Dalit women, as in Hathras (2020), is used to humiliate whole communities.
Political reason: caste mobilisation in elections, competition over panchayat posts and reservation, and caste militias turn local disputes into wider violence, as in Mirchpur (Haryana, 2010).
Institutional reason: police bias, delayed justice and low conviction rates under the 1989 Act reduce deterrence.
Remedies include strict enforcement of the Prevention of Atrocities Act with special courts, land reform, protection for inter-caste couples and police sensitisation; anthropologically, violence will decline only as caste hierarchy loses social legitimacy.Q4(b) · Indian Village, Minorities and Social Change · 15 marks≈ 11 min
The Indian Village
Discuss the impact of Globalization on Indian villages.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारतीय ग्रामों पर भूमण्डलीकरण के प्रभाव की विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(b)
Approach: Discuss economic, social, cultural and political impacts of globalisation on villages, positive and negative, with data and studies, and conclude briefly.
Globalisation after the 1991 reforms has linked Indian villages more closely to national and world markets, media and migration flows.
Economic: commercial and export crops, private seeds such as Bt cotton (2002), contract farming and agribusiness spread; rural non-farm employment and remittances grew. But input costs, price volatility and debt hit small farmers, whose average holding was 1.08 hectares in 2015–16, and agrarian distress produced farmer suicides in Vidarbha and elsewhere.
Social: jajmani and attached labour declined as relations became contractual; male migration led to the feminisation of agriculture; and self-help groups under the National Rural Livelihoods Mission (2011) gave women new roles. Inequality between rich farmers and labourers widened.
Cultural: television, mobile phones and the internet spread urban consumer tastes, new fashions and aspirations; local crafts and seed varieties declined, though some crafts found global markets.
Political: villagers organised against land acquisition and market reforms, as in the farmer protests that led to the repeal of the farm laws in 2021.
Globalisation has thus brought opportunity and insecurity together; Dipankar Gupta's view that the village is shrinking as a site of livelihood captures the direction of change.Q4(c) · Tribal Administration and Applied Anthropology · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Tribal Administration, Policies and PVTGs
Describe the provisions under 6th Schedule of Indian constitution.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारतीय संविधान की 6ठी अनुसूची के अन्तर्गत प्रावधानों का वर्णन कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(c)
Approach: Describe the provisions of the Sixth Schedule: coverage, constitution of district and regional councils, legislative, judicial, executive and financial powers, the Governor's role and safeguards, with a brief assessment.
The Sixth Schedule (Articles 244(2) and 275(1)), based on the recommendations of the Gopinath Bordoloi sub-committee, provides for autonomous administration of tribal areas in Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram.
Councils: each autonomous district has a District Council of up to 30 members, of whom up to four are nominated by the Governor and the rest elected for five years; a district with different tribes may be divided into autonomous regions with regional councils; there are now ten such councils.
Legislative powers (paragraph 3): laws on land, non-reserved forests, jhum cultivation, village administration, inheritance, marriage and social customs, subject to the Governor's assent.
Judicial powers (paragraph 4): village councils and courts try suits and cases between STs according to customary law, with appeals within the council system.
Executive and financial powers: councils may establish and manage primary schools, dispensaries, markets and roads (paragraph 6), have a District Fund, assess land revenue and levy certain taxes (paragraph 8), and regulate moneylending and trading by non-tribals (paragraph 10).
Application of laws and safeguards: the Governor may direct that Acts of Parliament or the state shall not apply, or apply with modifications; the Governor may also dissolve a council after inquiry.
These provisions have preserved tribal land and custom in the north-east, though weak finances and conflicts with state governments call for reforms such as the pending 125th Amendment Bill (2019).
Question 5 (50 marks)
Q5(a) · Indian Village, Minorities and Social Change · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Processes of Socio-cultural Change
Concept of Sanskritisation
हिंदी में प्रश्न
संस्कृतीकरण की संकल्पना
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(a)
Approach: A short note: origin and definition, features with examples, and main criticisms.
M.N. Srinivas introduced Sanskritization in Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India (1952), replacing his earlier term 'Brahminization', for the process by which a low caste or tribe adopts the customs, rituals and beliefs of a higher, often twice-born, caste and claims higher rank.
Typical changes include vegetarianism, teetotalism, wearing the sacred thread, worship of Sanskritic deities, employing Brahmin priests and restricting widow remarriage. The model may be Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya or the locally dominant caste; the Nadars and Bhumij chiefs followed Kshatriya models. It usually follows economic or political gain and produces positional change for the group, not change in the system.
Critics call it culture-bound and upper-caste centred, note that it often worsened women's status, and point out that Dalit movements turned to protest and conversion instead.
It remains a key concept for understanding caste mobility, though its relevance has declined as education, reservations and politics now drive mobility.Q5(b) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Palaeo-anthropological Evidence and Ethno-archaeology in India
'Narmada' Man
हिंदी में प्रश्न
'नर्मदा' मानव
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(b)
Approach: A short note: discovery and context, morphology, classification debate, date and significance.
Narmada Man is the partial skull (right side of a calvaria with parts of the frontal, parietal, temporal and occipital) found by Arun Sonakia of the Geological Survey of India on 5 December 1982 at Hathnora in the Narmada valley, Madhya Pradesh, with Acheulian tools and Middle Pleistocene fauna such as Stegodon and Palaeoloxodon namadicus.
It has a thick vault, a strong brow ridge and a low forehead, but a cranial capacity estimated at about 1,155 to 1,421 cc and a fairly rounded vault.
Sonakia called it Homo erectus narmadensis; Kenneth Kennedy and colleagues (1991) reclassified it as archaic Homo sapiens; later work compares it with Homo heidelbergensis. A.R. Sankhyan added two clavicles (1997) suggesting short, stocky people. Its date is Middle Pleistocene, but estimates vary widely.
It remains the only widely accepted Middle Pleistocene hominin fossil of the subcontinent, linking Acheulian tools to their makers and filling a gap between African, European and East Asian records.Q5(c) · Caste System and Religions in Indian Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Dominant Caste, Caste Mobility, Jajmani System and the Tribe–Caste Continuum
Concept of 'Dominant' caste
हिंदी में प्रश्न
'प्रबल' जाति की संकल्पना
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(c)
Approach: Give Srinivas's definition and attributes with the Rampura example, add other Indian examples and the main critiques, and comment on its present value.
M.N. Srinivas introduced the concept in 'The Social System of a Mysore Village' (1955) and developed it in 'The Dominant Caste in Rampura' (1959). A caste is dominant when it is numerically strong, owns a large share of land, holds economic and political power and has a fairly high ritual rank; later he added Western education and administrative jobs.
In Rampura the peasant Okkaligas dominated although Brahmins ranked higher ritually. Other examples are the Jats of Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh, the Patidars of Gujarat, the Marathas, and the Reddys and Kammas of Andhra Pradesh.
A dominant caste settles disputes, patronises service castes and sets the model for local Sanskritization or Kshatriyization. Critics such as T.K. Oommen questioned whether ritual rank still matters, and André Beteille's study of Sripuram (1965) showed land, caste and power separating.
The concept remains useful for explaining rural power, though reservation in panchayats and Dalit and OBC assertion now limit dominance.Q5(d) · Indian Village, Minorities and Social Change · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Linguistic and Religious Minorities
Linguistic minorities in India
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत के भाषाई अल्पसंख्यक
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(d)
Approach: A short note: India's linguistic diversity with Census data, how linguistic minorities arise, examples and their problems, and safeguards.
India's Census 2011 grouped thousands of reported mother tongues into 121 languages, 22 of them in the Eighth Schedule; Hindi was the mother tongue of about 43.6% of the population, so every Indian belongs to a linguistic minority somewhere.
Because the States Reorganisation Act (1956) drew boundaries on linguistic lines, linguistic minorities are defined state by state: Telugu speakers in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, Marathi speakers in Belagavi, Bengali speakers in Assam, Urdu speakers across north India and speakers of tribal languages such as Santali, Gondi, Bhili and Kurukh.
Their problems include schooling in a language not their own, pressure to shift to the dominant language, under-representation in administration and conflicts such as the Assam language movements and the Belagavi border dispute; UNESCO (2009) listed about 197 Indian languages as endangered.
Articles 29, 30, 347, 350A and 350B and the National Education Policy 2020 provide safeguards, but tribal languages need far more support.Q5(e) · Weaker Sections, Ethnicity and Tribal Change · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Ethnicity, Tribal Unrest, Regionalism and Pseudo-tribalism
Concept of Ethnicity
हिंदी में प्रश्न
नृजातीयता की संकल्पना
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(e)
Approach: A short note defining ethnicity (Weber), presenting the primordial, instrumental, boundary and constructivist approaches with their scholars, and giving Indian tribal examples.
Ethnicity refers to the sense of belonging to a group defined by a belief in common descent and shared culture; Max Weber described ethnic groups as holding a subjective belief in common descent based on similarities of custom, physical type or shared memories.
Primordialism: Clifford Geertz (1963) saw ethnic ties as 'given' attachments of blood, language, religion and region, which explains their emotional force.
Instrumentalism: Abner Cohen and Paul Brass argued that elites mobilise ethnicity to compete for power and resources.
Boundary approach: Fredrik Barth (1969) held that ethnicity is maintained at boundaries through interaction, even when cultural content changes.
Constructivism: census categories, print and politics create ethnic categories, as Benedict Anderson (1983) and Bernard Cohn showed.
Indian examples: the forging of a pan-Naga identity from many tribes, Jharkhandi identity uniting the Munda, Santal and Oraon, and Bodo assertion in Assam. Most anthropologists now combine these approaches: deep attachments activated in particular political circumstances.
Question 6 (50 marks)
Q6(a) · Indian Village, Minorities and Social Change · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Linguistic and Religious Minorities
What are the Social and Political problems of religious minorities in India ?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यकों की सामाजिक एवं राजनीतिक समस्यायें क्या हैं ?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(a)
Approach: Separate social problems (identity, security, discrimination, caste within minorities, socio-economic backwardness) from political problems (representation, communal polarisation, contested laws), using data, committees and examples for different minorities, and conclude with remedies.
India's notified religious minorities, Muslims (14.2%), Christians (2.3%), Sikhs (1.7%), Buddhists (0.7%), Jains (0.4%) and Parsis (Census 2011), differ greatly in status, so their problems are not uniform.
Social problems: (i) Socio-economic backwardness: the Sachar Committee (2006) found Muslims behind in education, formal employment (about 3% of IAS officers), credit and urban services, often below Hindu OBCs; neo-Buddhists and Dalit Christians are also poor. (ii) Insecurity from communal violence, from the riots of 1984 against Sikhs and 2002 in Gujarat to attacks on Christians in Kandhamal (2008). (iii) Discrimination in housing and jobs and ghettoisation in cities. (iv) Caste within minorities: Arzal and Pasmanda Muslims, Dalit Christians and Mazhabi Sikhs face exclusion and are denied Scheduled Caste status, which the 1950 Order limits to Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists. (v) Demographic anxiety among Parsis, addressed by the Jiyo Parsi scheme.
Political problems: (i) Under-representation: Muslims hold far fewer seats in legislatures than their population share. (ii) Communal polarisation and vote-bank politics, which use minorities as blocs while neglecting their development. (iii) Contested laws and policies on conversion, citizenship (CAA 2019), waqf administration (2025 amendment) and personal law, which minorities see as threats to their identity. (iv) Fear of identity loss, as with Christians and Muslims facing suspicion over conversion.
Minorities also face internal problems: gender inequality within personal laws, as in the triple talaq case (Shayara Bano, 2017), and tension between community leaders and reformers.
Remedies: implementation of the Sachar and Ranganath Misra recommendations, an Equal Opportunity Commission, fair representation, firm action against communal violence, and inclusion through education and jobs can secure minorities' place in a plural democracy.Q6(b) · Tribal Administration and Applied Anthropology · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Role of Anthropology in Tribal and Rural Development
Describe the functions of Tribal Research Institutes in India.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में जनजातीय अनुसंधान संस्थानों के प्रकार्यों का वर्णन कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(b)
Approach: Describe the Tribal Research Institutes (origin, number, funding) and their functions under research, evaluation, training, identification, cultural preservation and policy advice, with examples and a note on limitations.
Tribal Research Institutes are state-level bodies, the first set up at Ranchi in 1953; today most states with significant ST populations have one, supported by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs' scheme of support to TRIs. They are the main channel through which anthropology reaches tribal administration.
Research and documentation: ethnographic monographs on tribes, studies of land alienation, indebtedness, migration and customary law, and documentation of languages, oral literature and traditional knowledge, as by Odisha's SCSTRTI.
Identification and certification support: ethnographic reports on communities seeking inclusion in or exclusion from the ST list against the Lokur criteria, and on PVTG status; inputs to scrutiny of tribe certificates.
Evaluation and monitoring: assessment of schemes such as ITDPs, the Forest Rights Act and PM-JANMAN, and baseline surveys and social impact studies for projects.
Training: orientation of officials, teachers and police posted in tribal areas in tribal languages, customs and laws such as PESA and the FRA.
Cultural preservation: tribal museums, festivals, publication of primers in tribal languages and support for mother-tongue education.
Policy advice: inputs to state Tribes Advisory Councils and plans.
Limitations: understaffing, few trained anthropologists, limited autonomy and reports that are rarely acted upon; strengthening TRIs is essential for evidence-based tribal policy.Q6(c) · Weaker Sections, Ethnicity and Tribal Change · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Exploitation of SCs, STs and OBCs and Constitutional Safeguards
Discuss the effect of job reservation in alleviating unemployment among the tribal people of India.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत के जनजातीय लोगों के मध्य बेरोज़गारी उपशमन में नौकरी में आरक्षण के प्रभाव की विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(c)
Approach: Explain the scheme of ST job reservation, assess how far it has reduced tribal unemployment (gains and limits, with examples of uneven distribution), and suggest complementary measures.
Job reservation for Scheduled Tribes rests on Articles 16(4), 16(4A) and 335; STs get 7.5% of central government posts and a share in proportion to their population in the states. It is a tool of protective discrimination rather than a general employment scheme.
Positive effects: reservation created the first generation of tribal officers, teachers, doctors and clerks, and a salaried tribal middle class whose secure incomes support extended kin and fund children's education.
Limits on unemployment: government jobs form only a small share of total employment, so reservation cannot absorb the mass of tribal youth, most of whom depend on agriculture, forest produce and casual labour; the shrinking of public-sector posts and outsourcing since the 1990s have reduced reserved openings further.
Uneven distribution: benefits are concentrated among educationally advanced tribes such as the Mina of Rajasthan and some north-eastern groups, while PVTGs such as the Sahariya or Birhor rarely qualify; backlog vacancies remain unfilled because of the shortage of qualified candidates.
Complementary measures: quality schooling through Eklavya Model Residential Schools, skill training and Van Dhan enterprises for forest produce, credit for tribal entrepreneurs, and consideration of sub-classification after the 2024 Davinder Singh judgment.
Job reservation has thus reduced unemployment and poverty for a section of tribals and built a leadership class, but the wider problem needs livelihood-based development rooted in land and forest rights.
Question 7 (50 marks)
Q7(a) · Tribal Situation and Problems in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Development Projects, Displacement, Forest Policy and Tribals
Explain the impact of development-induced displacement among the tribal people in India with suitable examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में जनजातीय लोगों के मध्य विकास-उत्प्रेरित विस्थापन के प्रभाव की उपयुक्त उदाहरणों सहित व्याख्या कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(a)
Approach: Define development-induced displacement and give its scale, then analyse economic, social, cultural, health and political impacts with named cases (dams, mines, industry, parks), use Cernea's model, and conclude with remedies.
Development-induced displacement is the forced movement of people from their land and homes by dams, mines, industries, roads, cities and protected areas. Walter Fernandes estimated that about 60 million people were displaced or affected between 1947 and 2004, roughly 40% of them tribals, who formed only about 8% of the population.
Cases: dams such as Hirakud (1957), Sardar Sarovar on the Narmada and Polavaram, which submerges Koya and Konda Reddi villages; steel plants at Rourkela (1959), Bhilai and Bokaro; the Heavy Engineering Corporation at Hatia near Ranchi, studied by L.P. Vidyarthi (1970); coal and iron mines in Jharkhand and Odisha; and parks and the Great Nicobar project (approved 2022), which raises concerns for the Shompen.
Economic impact: loss of land and forests turned cultivators into casual labourers; promised jobs went mostly to outsiders, as Vidyarthi found at Hatia; and cash compensation was quickly spent, deepening poverty.
Social and cultural impact: clan villages were scattered, traditional leadership and customary law weakened, and sacred groves, burial sites and deities were lost; Michael Cernea's model names this social disarticulation, alongside landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalisation, food insecurity, morbidity and loss of commons. Women lost access to forests and commons and faced greater violence.
Health impact: resettlement sites with poor water and sanitation, loss of forest foods and the stress of uprooting raised malnutrition and disease.
Political impact: displacement produced resistance, from the Narmada Bachao Andolan (from 1985) to Niyamgiri, and fed unrest in central India.
The 2013 land acquisition Act, PESA and FRA consent provide safeguards; minimising displacement, land-based rehabilitation, benefit-sharing and gram sabha consent are essential for development that does not impoverish tribals.Q7(b) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Prehistoric Cultures of India
Discuss the characteristic features of 'Neolithic culture' in India.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में 'नवपाषाण संस्कृति' की अभिलाक्षणिक विशेषताओं की विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(b)
Approach: Define the Neolithic, list its general features, then show regional variation across India with sites and dates; end with significance.
The Neolithic is the stage of food production; V. Gordon Childe called the shift the Neolithic Revolution. In India it began at Mehrgarh in Baluchistan around 7000 BCE and spread unevenly, lasting in some regions until about 1000 BCE.
General features: ground and polished stone axes (celts), domesticated plants and animals, pottery, permanent villages of mud, wattle-and-daub or pit houses, storage, bone tools and burials.
Regional variation: the north-west (Mehrgarh: wheat, barley, goats and humped cattle, mud-brick houses); Kashmir (Burzahom and Gufkral: pit dwellings, harvesters, dog burials); the Vindhyas and Ganga plain (Koldihwa, Mahagara, Lahuradewa: rice and cord-impressed pottery); Bihar (Chirand: abundant bone tools); the south (Utnur, Sanganakallu, Brahmagiri, Maski, Hallur: cattle pastoralism and ash mounds); and the north-east (Daojali Hading, Sarutaru: shouldered celts and cord-marked pottery linked to South-East Asia).
Diagram: a map of the six Neolithic zones with two sites each, and a sketch of a polished celt and a shouldered celt.
The Indian Neolithic shows multiple centres of domestication, local rice in the Ganga valley alongside West Asian wheat and barley, and laid the base for the Harappan and later village cultures that still survive among tribal and peasant communities.Q7(c) · Weaker Sections, Ethnicity and Tribal Change · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Exploitation of SCs, STs and OBCs and Constitutional Safeguards
Critically evaluate the state of implementation of the constitutional safeguards for the scheduled castes.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
अनुसूचित जातियों हेतु संवैधानिक सुरक्षणों के कार्यान्वयन की दशा का समालोचनात्मक मूल्यांकन कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(c)
Approach: Briefly list the SC safeguards and then critically evaluate their implementation area by area (untouchability, atrocities, reservation, welfare funds, political representation), giving both achievements and shortfalls.
The Constitution protects Scheduled Castes through Article 17 (abolition of untouchability), Articles 15(4) and 16(4) (reservation), Article 46 (economic and educational interests), Articles 330 and 332 (reserved seats) and Article 338 (National Commission for Scheduled Castes). Seven decades on, the record of implementation is mixed.
Untouchability and atrocities: the Protection of Civil Rights Act (1955) and the Prevention of Atrocities Act (1989) are strong laws, strengthened in 2015 and 2018; yet NCRB recorded about 57,800 crimes against SCs in 2023, conviction rates remain low, pendency in special courts is high.
Reservation: it has produced a visible Dalit middle class and bureaucracy, but posts in higher grades and backlog vacancies remain unfilled, and benefits are concentrated among a few castes, which led to the sub-classification judgment in Davinder Singh (2024).
Economic welfare: post-matric scholarships, the Special Component Plan (now the Development Action Plan for SCs) and PM-AJAY have raised SC literacy to 66.1% (2011), but funds are often diverted or spent on general schemes, and landlessness persists.
Political representation: 84 reserved Lok Sabha seats and panchayat reservation give a voice, but critics, following Ambedkar's own doubts after the Poona Pact (1932), argue that joint electorates produce dependent representatives.
Overall the safeguards have reduced extreme exclusion but not caste prejudice. Better enforcement, land reform and education against untouchability are needed for substantive equality.
Question 8 (50 marks)
Q8(a) · Tribal Administration and Applied Anthropology · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Anthropology and Regionalism, Communalism and Ethnic Movements
Discuss the regionalism and demand for autonomy in India from Anthropological perspective with respect to Kashmir/Nagaland/Bodoland/Gorkhaland agitation.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में, नृजातीय परिप्रेक्ष्य में, प्रादेशिकता तथा स्वायत्तता की मांग का विवेचन कश्मीर/नागालैण्ड/बोडोलैण्ड/गोरखालैण्ड में हुए आंदोलन के संदर्भ में कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(a)
Approach: Explain regionalism and autonomy anthropologically (identity, boundary, deprivation, elite mobilisation), then analyse the four cases (Kashmir, Nagaland, Bodoland, Gorkhaland) briefly on roots, demands and present status, and draw comparative conclusions.
Anthropologically, regionalism is the territorial expression of identity: Barth's ethnic boundaries, Geertz's primordial attachments and Brass's elite mobilisation combine with relative deprivation and fear of outsiders (Weiner's 'sons of the soil') to produce demands for autonomy.
Nagaland: rooted in colonial isolation and a distinct Naga history and Christian identity, the Naga National Council claimed independence in 1947; statehood (1963) and Article 371A protected customary law and land, and the NSCN's Framework Agreement (2015) still awaits a final settlement.
Bodoland: the Bodo, a plains tribe of western Assam, feared land loss to migrants and Assamese dominance; their movement led to accords in 1993 and 2003 (Bodoland Territorial Council under the Sixth Schedule) and the Bodoland Territorial Region accord (2020), showing autonomy within a state.
Gorkhaland: Nepali-speaking Gorkhas of the Darjeeling hills demand a separate state from West Bengal; the GNLF agitation (1986 to 1988) produced the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (1988) and the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha's movement produced the Gorkha Territorial Administration (2012), but a 104-day shutdown in 2017 showed continuing discontent.
Kashmir: a region with a distinct identity and special status under Article 370, and insurgency from 1989; in 2019 Article 370 was abrogated and the state reorganised into two Union Territories, upheld by the Supreme Court (December 2023); assembly elections followed in 2024, and restoration of statehood is the main demand.
Comparison: all four combine identity with grievance over land, migration or status; where autonomy was negotiated with real powers (Bodoland, Nagaland in part), violence declined; where demands were denied or autonomy was weak (Gorkhaland), agitation recurs.
Diagram: a table of the four cases with columns for identity base, core demand, state response and present status.
Anthropology suggests that flexible, negotiated autonomy, protection of internal minorities and dialogue reduce regional conflict more effectively than centralisation.Q8(b) · Tribal Situation and Problems in India · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Problems of Tribal Communities
Elucidate the problems of land alienation among the tribals of India.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत के जनजातीय लोगों के बीच भूमि संक्रामण की समस्याओं पर प्रकाश डालिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(b)
Approach: Define land alienation, explain its historical and contemporary causes and modes with examples, list protective laws and judgments, analyse why they fail, and suggest remedies.
Land alienation is the transfer of land from tribals to non-tribals or to the state, by sale, mortgage, fraud, encroachment or acquisition. For communities whose identity and religion are tied to land, it is the root of poverty and unrest, from the Santal Hul (1855) to the Birsa ulgulan (1895–1900).
Causes and modes: colonial land revenue and the zamindari system turned community land into private, transferable property; moneylenders and traders took land against debts; settlers moved into tribal areas, as C. von Fürer-Haimendorf documented among the Gonds of Adilabad; forest reservation and state acquisition for dams, mines and industry took more; and benami transfers, fake marriages with tribal women and illegal leases continue today.
Protective measures: the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act (1908) and Santhal Parganas Tenancy Act (1949), the Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Areas Land Transfer Regulation (1959, amended 1970), the Fifth Schedule's power for Governors to regulate land transfer, PESA (1996), the Samatha judgment (1997) voiding transfers of Scheduled Area land to private mining companies, and FRA (2006).
Why they fail: poor land records, collusion of revenue officials, slow courts, tribals' ignorance of law, and political pressure to dilute tenancy acts, as in attempted amendments to the CNT and SPT Acts in Jharkhand in 2016.
Remedies include digitised records, special courts for restoration, enforcement of PESA consent, and recognition of community rights under FRA.Q8(c) · Indian Village, Minorities and Social Change · 15 marks≈ 11 min
The Indian Village
Describe the different settlement patterns in rural India.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
ग्रामीण भारत के विभिन्न बस्ती संरूपों का वर्णन कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(c)
Approach: Classify rural settlements by form (compact, semi-compact, hamleted, dispersed) and shape (linear, rectangular, circular), give regions and causes, then add the social pattern of caste and tribal settlements, with a sketch.
A settlement pattern is the way houses, lanes, fields and common spaces of a village are arranged; it reflects physical environment, economy, defence and, in India, caste and community.
By form: compact or nucleated villages, with houses clustered together, dominate the fertile alluvial plains of Punjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh. Semi-compact villages occur in parts of Gujarat and the Deccan. Hamleted or fragmented villages, split into several tolas or paras often by caste, are common in the middle and lower Ganga plains and Bengal. Dispersed settlements of isolated homesteads occur in hilly and forest areas, the north-east, the dhanis of the Rajasthan desert and the falias of the Bhil.
By shape: linear villages stretch along rivers, roads, canals and coasts, as in Kerala; rectangular, circular and star-shaped forms follow road junctions, tanks or defensive needs.
Social pattern: upper castes usually occupy the core near the temple and main well, artisan and service castes the middle, and Dalits separate hamlets at the edge, such as the cheri of Tamil Nadu. Tribal villages differ: Munda and Oraon villages cluster around the sarna grove and youth dormitory, and Naga villages sit on hilltops for defence.
Diagram: a sketch of a nucleated village with the temple and upper-caste houses at the centre, artisan castes in a ring around them, the Dalit hamlet and its own well outside the main settlement, and fields beyond.
Roads, housing schemes and migration are now altering these patterns, though caste-wise segregation persists.
