All Anthropology optional papers

    UPSC Mains 2026 Anthropology Optional Question Papers with Model Answers

    All 56 questions of the 2026 Civil Services Main Examination, Anthropology Paper I and Anthropology Paper II, with marks and a suggested time per part. Solve each part on paper first, then open the model answer, or send it to answer-writing practice for evaluation.

    UPSC Mains 2026 Anthropology Paper I

    Question 1 (50 marks)

    1. Q1(a) · Ecological Anthropology, Epidemiology and Human Growth · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Epidemiological Anthropology

      Health as a cultural construct

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      स्वास्थ्य, एक सांस्कृतिक संकल्पना के रूप में

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(a)
      Approach: Contrast the biomedical definition of health with the view that health is culturally constructed, using concepts (disease, illness, sickness, explanatory models, personalistic and naturalistic systems, culture-bound syndromes) and Indian tribal examples.
      The WHO (1948) defined health as a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being, not merely the absence of disease. Medical anthropology adds that what counts as health, illness and proper treatment is shaped by culture.
      Concepts: Leon Eisenberg (1977) and Arthur Kleinman distinguished disease (biological malfunction), illness (the person’s experience) and sickness (the social role). Kleinman’s explanatory models (1980) show that patients and healers hold different ideas of cause, course and cure. George Foster and Barbara Anderson (1978) contrasted personalistic systems, which blame spirits, sorcerers or ancestors, with naturalistic systems, such as Ayurveda’s humoral balance.
      Examples: many central Indian tribes attribute illness to angry spirits or broken taboos and consult the gunia, ojha or bhagat before the clinic; dhat syndrome, anxiety about semen loss in South Asia, is a culture-bound syndrome.
      Recognising health as a cultural construct helps health workers communicate, respect local healers and design acceptable programmes.
    2. Q1(b) · Ecological Anthropology, Epidemiology and Human Growth · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Human Growth, Development and Ageing

      Canalization and catch-up growth

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      कैनालाइज़ेशन और पूर्ति वृद्धि

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(b)
      Approach: Define canalization (Waddington) and catch-up growth (Prader, Tanner), explain how they relate, give examples, and note limits of catch-up.
      Canalization, a concept of C.H. Waddington (1957), describes the tendency of development to follow a genetically determined pathway (a chreod) and to return to it after disturbance, like a ball rolling in a valley. In human growth, each child tends to follow his or her own growth channel, often along a centile on a growth chart.
      Catch-up growth, described by Prader, Tanner and von Harnack (1963), is the period of accelerated growth that follows the removal of a growth-inhibiting condition, such as starvation, illness or hormone deficiency, bringing the child back towards its original channel. Tanner called growth target-seeking.
      Examples: children recovering from malnutrition or from untreated coeliac disease or hypothyroidism grow faster than normal after treatment; small-for-date babies often catch up in the first two years.
      Limits: catch-up is often incomplete when deprivation is severe or prolonged, especially in the first 1,000 days, which is why stunting in India is largely irreversible; rapid catch-up after foetal undernutrition may also raise later risks of obesity and diabetes.
    3. Q1(c) · Culture, Communication and Research Methods · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Culture, Language and Communication

      Myth as oral literature

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      मौखिक साहित्य के रूप में मिथक

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(c)
      Approach: Define myth and oral literature, give features and functions with theoretical views (Malinowski, Bascom, Lévi-Strauss), and illustrate with Indian tribal myths.
      Oral literature is the verbal art of a community transmitted by word of mouth: myths, legends, folktales, songs, riddles and proverbs. William Bascom (1965) defined a myth as a prose narrative regarded as true by its tellers, set in a remote past and dealing with gods, creation and origins, unlike legends (more recent, human heroes) and folktales (fiction).
      Features: oral transmission, variation with each telling, performance before an audience, formulaic phrases and anonymous, collective authorship.
      Functions and theories: for Malinowski (Myth in Primitive Psychology, 1926) myth is a charter that validates institutions, such as Trobriand clan origin myths justifying land rights. Bascom listed amusement, validation of culture, education and social control. Lévi-Strauss read myths as logical attempts to mediate contradictions.
      Indian examples: the Santal creation myth of Thakur Jiu and the first couple Pilchu Haram and Pilchu Budhi hatched from goose eggs; the Gond epic of Lingo, sung by Pardhan bards; and the Bhil oral Mahabharata. Such myths preserve history, ethics and identity.
    4. Q1(d) · Population Genetics, Race and Human Variation · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Hardy–Weinberg Law, Genetic Polymorphism and Inbreeding

      Genetic polymorphism and natural selection

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      आनुवंशिक बहुरूपता और प्राकृतिक चयन

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(d)
      Approach: Define genetic polymorphism, show how natural selection maintains it (balanced) or changes it (transient), with human examples, and note neutral polymorphism.
      Genetic polymorphism, as defined by E.B. Ford (1940), is the occurrence in the same population of two or more discontinuous genetic forms in such proportions that the rarest cannot be maintained by recurrent mutation alone; by convention the rarer allele has a frequency above 1 per cent.
      Selection maintaining polymorphism: in balanced polymorphism the heterozygote is fitter than either homozygote. A.C. Allison (1954) showed that sickle-cell carriers (HbAS) resist falciparum malaria, while HbSS homozygotes suffer severe anaemia and HbAA people die of malaria more often; hence HbS stays common in malarial belts of Africa and among tribes of central India. Thalassaemia, HbE in north-east India and G6PD deficiency show the same pattern.
      Selection changing polymorphism: in transient polymorphism directional selection replaces one allele by another, as with the spread of lactase persistence among dairying peoples, or the decline of HbS among African Americans living without malaria.
      Many DNA polymorphisms are selectively neutral and vary through drift, so selection explains only part of human polymorphism.
    5. Q1(e) · Prehistoric Archaeology · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Principles of Prehistoric Archaeology and Dating Methods

      Ethnoarchaeology and classical archaeology

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      जातीय पुरातत्त्व और शास्त्रीय पुरातत्त्व

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(e)
      Approach: A short note that defines both fields, gives their founders and examples, and ends with a clear contrast of aim and method.
      Ethnoarchaeology studies the material culture, discard and settlement behaviour of living societies to build analogies for reading the archaeological record. Classical archaeology studies the remains of ancient Greece and Rome, usually together with texts and inscriptions.
      Ethnoarchaeology grew with the New Archaeology of the 1960s. Lewis Binford's work among the Nunamiut of Alaska (Nunamiut Ethnoarchaeology, 1978) showed how butchery and seasonal camps create bone scatters, giving middle-range theory.
      In India, foragers such as the Chenchu, Birhor and Kadar have been studied for mobility and camps, and Agaria iron smelting helps interpret ancient technology.
      Classical archaeology began in an art-historical tradition: J.J. Winckelmann studied Greek sculpture in the 18th century, Heinrich Schliemann dug Troy in the 1870s and Arthur Evans uncovered Knossos from 1900. It centres on temples, sculpture, pottery, coins and inscriptions.
      The two differ in subject (living societies versus historic civilisations), aim (general principles versus reconstruction of a known culture) and method (observation versus text-aided excavation). Both rely on analogy and context.

    Question 2 (50 marks)

    1. Q2(a) · Reproductive Biology, Demography and Applied Anthropology · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Applications of Anthropology

      What is meant by a somatotype? Discuss the Heath-Carter anthropometric method, giving its advantages over that of Sheldon's method. How can somatotyping be applied in sports sciences?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      सोमैटोटाइप का क्या अर्थ है? हीथ-कार्टर मानवमितीय (ऐन्थ्रोपोमेट्रिक) विधि पर चर्चा कीजिए और इसके शेल्डन की विधि की तुलना में लाभ बताइए। खेल विज्ञान में सोमैटोटाइपिंग का प्रयोग कैसे किया जा सकता है?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(a)
      Approach: Three parts: define somatotype, explain the Heath-Carter anthropometric method and its advantages over Sheldon, then its applications in sports science. Draw a somatochart.
      A somatotype is a quantified description of present body shape and composition expressed as three component ratings: endomorphy (relative fatness), mesomorphy (relative musculo-skeletal robustness) and ectomorphy (relative linearity), written in that order, for example 2-5-3.
      William Sheldon (The Varieties of Human Physique, 1940) rated each component on a closed 1 to 7 scale from standardised nude photographs (front, side and back), and claimed the somatotype was a fixed, genetically determined trait; rating was subjective, needed trained judges and was linked to temperament.
      Barbara Heath and Lindsay Carter (1967) modified it into a phenotypic method using ten anthropometric measurements: height, body mass, four skinfolds (triceps, subscapular, supraspinale, medial calf), two bone breadths (humerus and femur biepicondylar) and two girths (flexed arm and calf). Endomorphy comes from height-corrected skinfolds, mesomorphy from breadths and corrected girths relative to height, and ectomorphy from the height-weight ratio (height divided by the cube root of weight).
      Advantages over Sheldon: objective and reproducible; open-ended scale (ratings from 0.5 upwards, so extreme athletes are not compressed); applicable to both sexes and all ages; records the present phenotype, so changes with training, diet or growth can be tracked; cheap, field-usable and free of the ethical problem of nude photography.
      Diagram: a triangular Reuleaux somatochart with X = ectomorphy minus endomorphy and Y = 2 × mesomorphy minus (endomorphy + ectomorphy), plotting sprinters in the mesomorph sector and marathon runners toward ectomorphy.
      Sports applications: athletes cluster by event, as Tanner's study of Olympic athletes (1964) and later Heath-Carter surveys showed: weightlifters and sprinters are mesomorphic, distance runners ecto-mesomorphic and heavyweight throwers endo-mesomorphic. Somatotyping therefore helps talent identification (as in Khelo India screening), matching children to suitable events, monitoring the effect of training and diet, and planning weight-category sports.
      Somatotype is only one predictor, since skill, physiology and motivation matter too, but the Heath-Carter method made it a practical tool of kinanthropometry.
    2. Q2(b) · Religion · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion

      How do religious beliefs help people to devise cultural mechanisms to adapt to their environment? Discuss in detail with appropriate examples.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      धार्मिक मान्यताएँ लोगों को अपने पर्यावरण के अनुकूल ढलने के लिए सांस्कृतिक तंत्र विकसित करने में किस प्रकार सहायता करती हैं? उपयुक्त उदाहरणों के साथ विस्तारपूर्वक चर्चा कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(b)
      Approach: Introduce the ecological view of religion, then discuss in detail how beliefs, taboos and rituals regulate resource use, with world (Rappaport, Harris) and Indian examples (sacred groves, Niyamgiri, Bishnoi), and end with a critique.
      Ecological anthropologists argue that religious beliefs, taboos and rituals often work as cultural mechanisms of adaptation, regulating how people use their environment even when believers explain them in sacred terms.
      Ritual regulation: Roy Rappaport's Pigs for the Ancestors (1968) showed that among the Tsembaga Maring of New Guinea the kaiko ritual cycle, held to repay ancestors, killed off pigs when herds grew too large for gardens and spaced out warfare.
      Taboos and sacred animals: Marvin Harris argued that India's sacred cow is adaptive, since living cattle give traction, milk and dung for fuel and manure, more valuable than beef. Totemic taboos on killing the clan animal, as among Oraon clans such as Ekka (tortoise), protect certain species.
      Indian sacred landscapes: sacred groves, the sarna of the Munda and Oraon, jaher than of the Santal, the law kyntang of the Khasi and the devrai of Maharashtra, preserve patches of forest and springs. The Dongria Kondh worship Niyam Raja of the Niyamgiri hills, a belief that shaped their resistance to bauxite mining. The Bishnoi protect khejri trees as religious duty.
      Critique: such explanations can be functionalist and circular, and not every belief is adaptive, as kuru from mortuary cannibalism among the Fore shows; scholars also warn against romanticising tribes as ecologically noble.
      Still, religion often encodes long-tested ecological knowledge, which is why sacred groves are now valued in conservation policy.
    3. Q2(c) · Anthropological Theories · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Functionalism, Structural-Functionalism and Structuralism

      How is the theory of structuralism helpful in understanding the concepts of caste and gender?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      संरचनावाद का सिद्धांत जाति और लिंग की अवधारणाओं को समझने में किस प्रकार सहायक है?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(c)
      Approach: Show how the structuralist idea of binary oppositions and underlying codes illuminates caste (Dumont) and gender (Lévi-Strauss, Ortner), then weigh the limits of the approach.
      Structuralism, developed by Claude Lévi-Strauss from Saussure’s linguistics, holds that beneath observable customs lie unconscious mental structures organised as binary oppositions (nature/culture, raw/cooked) and their mediation. It treats social facts as systems of relations, not isolated traits.
      Caste: Louis Dumont in Homo Hierarchicus (1966) applied this logic to India. The whole caste system rests on one opposition, pure and impure, from which follow separation (rules of marriage and contact), division of labour and hierarchy. The Brahman encompasses the king, so status encompasses power, and the opposition explains why a priestly caste ranks above a richer, ruling one.
      Gender: in The Elementary Structures of Kinship (1949) Lévi-Strauss saw marriage as the exchange of women between groups of men, making the incest taboo the passage from nature to culture. Sherry Ortner (1974) used the nature/culture opposition to ask why women are almost everywhere ranked lower: they are symbolically associated with nature through childbirth and domestic life. Indian examples include menstrual seclusion and purity rules that place women closer to impurity.
      Limits: critics such as Berreman and Dipankar Gupta argued that Dumont ignored power, economic dominance and lower-caste resistance; feminists (Gayle Rubin, MacCormack and Strathern, 1980) showed that nature/culture is itself a Western category. Structuralism therefore reveals the logic of ideology well, but must be supplemented by studies of practice, power and change.

    Question 3 (50 marks)

    1. Q3(a) · Political Organisation and Social Control · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Power, Authority and Legitimacy

      How do the concepts of power, authority, legitimacy and social control change with changing political organization? Discuss in detail giving suitable examples.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      बदलते राजनीतिक संगठनों के साथ शक्ति, सत्ता, वैधता और सामाजिक नियंत्रण की अवधारणाएँ किस प्रकार बदलती हैं? उपयुक्त उदाहरणों की सहायता से विस्तारपूर्वक चर्चा कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(a)
      Approach: Define the four concepts, then trace in detail how each changes from band to tribe, chiefdom and state with ethnographic examples, add the Indian present, and conclude that the change is not a simple ladder; a comparison table is the best diagram.
      Max Weber defined power as the probability of carrying out one's will despite resistance, and authority as power accepted as legitimate; legitimacy is the belief that makes power rightful, and social control is the means of securing conformity (E.A. Ross). Service's sequence of band, tribe, chiefdom and state shows how all four change.
      Band: power is weak and diffuse; leaders such as Inuit or !Kung hunters have influence, not command, and their legitimacy rests on skill, age and generosity. Control is informal: gossip, ridicule, song duels and simply moving away.
      Tribe: power is shared by lineages, elders and councils; legitimacy comes from kinship, seniority and ritual. The Nuer leopard-skin chief mediates feuds without force, the Melanesian big man wins followers by feasts, and Santal councils outcast offenders (bitlaha). Control works through feud, compensation and supernatural sanction.
      Chiefdom: power is centralised in hereditary ranked office, and legitimacy is sacred and genealogical, as in Polynesian chiefs with mana and tapu and the Konyak Naga Ang; redistribution of tribute binds followers, and taboo and chiefly judgement enforce order.
      State: power becomes the monopoly of legitimate force within a territory (Weber); legitimacy shifts towards legal-rational rules, though kings long claimed divine sanction, as Gond rulers did through Rajput origin myths (Surajit Sinha). Control is formal: codified law, courts, police and prisons.
      India today: tribal headmen and councils coexist with the state under the Sixth Schedule, Article 371A and PESA (1996), producing legal pluralism and competing legitimacies.
      The change is not a one-way ladder: Leach's Kachin oscillated between hierarchical gumsa and egalitarian gumlao; so power and control become more centralised and formal, but older bases of legitimacy persist within the state.
      Diagram: a table with columns band, tribe, chiefdom and state and rows for power, authority, legitimacy, social control and examples (Inuit, Nuer and Santal, Konyak Naga, modern India).
    2. Q3(b) · Human Evolution: Theories and Concepts · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Biological and Cultural Factors in Human Evolution

      Human evolution is a product of both biological and cultural factors. Elaborate.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      मानव विकास जैविक और सांस्कृतिक दोनों कारकों का परिणाम है। विस्तार से बताइए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(b)
      Approach: Define biocultural evolution, then give the main biological factors and the main cultural factors with fossil and archaeological evidence, show their feedback with a loop diagram, and conclude that culture became the chief human adaptation.
      Human evolution is biocultural: biological changes made culture possible, and culture in turn became a selective force on the body. The process by which the hominin lineage acquired upright walking, a large brain, language and culture is called hominisation.
      Biological factors: bipedalism came first, shown by the forward foramen magnum of Sahelanthropus (about 7 to 6 million years) and the Laetoli footprints (about 3.66 million years). Freed hands with a fully opposable thumb allowed the precision grip (John Napier). The brain grew from about 450 cc in Australopithecus to about 1,350 cc in modern humans, while canines, jaws and teeth shrank.
      Cultural factors: stone tools appear at Lomekwi 3 (about 3.3 million years) and in the Oldowan (about 2.6 million years); Acheulian handaxes (from about 1.76 million years) show planning. Controlled fire (Wonderwerk Cave, about 1 million years) and cooking, meat eating, food sharing, cooperative child care and later symbolic behaviour, such as Blombos Cave ochre (about 75,000 years), followed.
      Feedback: S.L. Washburn (1960) argued that tools created selection for larger brains and bipedal efficiency; the expensive tissue hypothesis (Aiello and Wheeler, 1995) links high-quality food to a smaller gut and a larger brain.
      Diagram: a circle of arrows: bipedalism, free hands, tool use, better diet, larger brain, better tools and language, back to tool use; write Biology outside and Culture inside the loop.
      In recent times culture still shapes genes, as lactase persistence spread with dairying. Human evolution is therefore the product of both factors working together, with culture becoming the main human mode of adaptation.
    3. Q3(c) · Prehistoric Archaeology · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Cultures

      Give the distribution of Palaeolithic sites around the Himalayan and Sub-Himalayan areas, highlighting the typo-technologies of the tools.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      उपकरणों के तकनीकी प्रकारों/प्रारूपों पर प्रकाश डालते हुए हिमालयी और उप-हिमालयी क्षेत्रों के आस-पास के पुरापाषाणकालीन स्थलों के वितरण का विवरण दीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(c)
      Approach: Locate the sites region by region (Potwar–Soan, Kashmir, Indian Siwaliks, Nepal), then describe the typo-technology of the tools and end with the debates on dating and the two-culture idea; draw a sketch map.
      The Himalayan foothills were the first Indian region studied for a Palaeolithic sequence: De Terra and Paterson (Yale–Cambridge expedition, 1935) linked Soan valley terrace tools with Kashmir glacial phases.
      Potwar plateau (Pakistan): the Soan valley gave its name to the Soanian tradition; Riwat yielded quartzite artefacts claimed at about 1.9 million years (Robin Dennell), a debated date. Kashmir: a few handaxes and flakes are reported from the Liddar valley near Pahalgam.
      Indian Siwaliks: B.B. Lal (1956) reported palaeoliths from the Beas–Banganga valley near Guler (Kangra), and later surveys found many Soanian and Acheulian sites along the Siwalik frontal range in Himachal and Punjab and in the Sirsa valley. At Masol near Chandigarh an Indo-French team (2016) claimed cut-marked bones and tools of about 2.6 million years, a contested date. Nepal: Gudrun Corvinus found Acheulian and Soanian assemblages in the Dang–Deukhuri valleys.
      Typo-technology: tools are made on rounded quartzite pebbles from the Siwalik conglomerates by direct hard-hammer percussion. Early Soan has unifacial choppers, bifacial chopping tools, discoids and plain-platform flakes; Late Soan shows flakes with prepared platforms. Acheulian handaxes and cleavers are fewer than in the peninsula.
      Diagram: sketch map of the Siwalik belt marking the Soan valley and Riwat, Pahalgam, Beas–Banganga, Sirsa valley, Masol and Dang–Deukhuri, with a unifacial chopper beside it.
      Most finds come from surface or reworked gravels, so dating is weak. The old two-culture contrast between a Soanian north and an Acheulian south is rejected: both occur together, reflecting raw material and activity.

    Question 4 (50 marks)

    1. Q4(a) · Fossil Hominids · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Australopithecines and Plio-Pleistocene Hominids

      Discuss the phylogenetic status, characteristic features, geographical distribution and lifeways of Paranthropus.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      पैरांथ्रोपस की वंशानुगत स्थिति, विशिष्ट विशेषताएँ, भौगोलिक वितरण और जीवनशैली पर चर्चा कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(a)
      Approach: Four demands: phylogenetic status, features, distribution and lifeways of the robust australopiths; organise species-wise, add a robust-versus-gracile skull diagram and end with the debate on whether Paranthropus is a natural group.
      Paranthropus (beside man) is the genus of robust australopithecines, named by Robert Broom in 1938 for a skull from Kromdraai, South Africa; it lived about 2.7 to 1.2 million years ago.
      Species: P. aethiopicus, the Black Skull (KNM-WT 17000, west Turkana, 1985, about 2.5 million years, brain about 410 cc); P. boisei, Zinjanthropus or Nutcracker Man (OH 5), found by Mary Leakey at Olduvai Gorge in 1959, about 1.75 million years, the species spanning about 2.3 to 1.4 million years; P. robustus from Kromdraai and Swartkrans, about 2 to 1 million years.
      Characteristic features: sagittal crest in males, flaring cheekbones and a dished face, a massive mandible, molarised premolars and very large molars with thick enamel (megadontia) but small incisors and canines; brain about 410 to 550 cc; fully bipedal, with marked sexual dimorphism.
      Geographical distribution: only Africa; in East Africa at Omo and Konso (Ethiopia), west Turkana and Koobi Fora (Kenya), Olduvai and Peninj (Tanzania) and Malawi; in South Africa at Kromdraai, Swartkrans and Drimolen.
      Lifeways: John Robinson's dietary hypothesis made them vegetarians; carbon isotopes show P. boisei ate mostly C4 grasses and sedges and P. robustus a mixed diet, and microwear shows little nut cracking; worn bone tools from Swartkrans may be theirs; many fell prey to leopards (C.K. Brain).
      Diagram: side views of P. boisei (sagittal crest, flaring zygomatic arch, dished face, huge molars) beside A. africanus (rounded vault, no crest, smaller face), with a small tree showing Paranthropus as a side branch.
      Phylogenetic status: Paranthropus coexisted with early Homo and H. erectus and died out about 1.2 million years ago without descendants, a side branch; Johanson and White (1979) derived it from A. afarensis, but whether the robust species form one natural group or evolved robusticity in parallel is debated.
      Paranthropus thus shows human evolution as a bush, and its extinction as tool-using Homo spread shows the cost of dietary specialisation.
    2. Q4(b) · Marriage · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Definition, Universality and Laws of Marriage

      Discuss 'incest taboo' as the basis of development of kinship systems in human societies.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      मानव समाजों में नातेदारी व्यवस्थाओं के विकास के आधार के रूप में 'अगम्यगमन निषेध' पर चर्चा कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(b)
      Approach: The question asks how the incest taboo underlies kinship; define it, explain Lévi-Strauss's alliance argument and how exogamy, exchange and terminology follow from it, add family-based views, and draw concentric rings of marriage rules.
      The incest taboo prohibits sex and marriage between close kin, above all parent and child and brother and sister. It is nearly universal; royal sibling marriage among the Inca, Hawaiians and Ptolemies of Egypt is the classic exception.
      Lévi-Strauss (The Elementary Structures of Kinship, 1949) saw it as the one rule that is both universal and cultural, marking the passage from nature to culture. By forbidding a man his sister and daughter, it compels groups to give women away and receive others, and this exchange of women founds kinship.
      Extended to the clan or gotra, the taboo becomes exogamy, as in Oraon totemic clans and the Santal paris, so every marriage creates lasting affinal ties between descent groups.
      Its patterning yields exchange systems: restricted exchange through sister exchange or bilateral cross-cousin marriage, and generalized exchange through matrilateral cross-cousin marriage, as among the Kachin (Leach) and the Purum of Manipur. Dravidian terms equating mother's brother with father-in-law encode this alliance (Dumont).
      Others locate the basis in the family: Malinowski held that the taboo protects family authority by removing sexual rivalry, and Westermarck's familiarity theory points to an aversion that culture codifies.
      Diagram: three concentric rings: innermost nuclear family (incest taboo), middle clan or gotra (exogamy), outer tribe or caste (endogamy); shade the band between clan and tribe as the field of permitted mates.
      Thus the taboo is the hinge of kinship: it makes marriage an alliance between groups, though descent theorists such as Fortes see descent as the main organiser.
    3. Q4(c) · Human Genetics: Methods, Inheritance and Chromosomes · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Chromosomes and Chromosomal Aberrations

      Numerical chromosomal aberrations can be due to abnormalities in autosomes as well as sex chromosomes. Elaborate in terms of the effects these have on human body, giving suitable examples.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      संख्यात्मक गुणसूत्र विपथन आटोसोम और सेक्स गुणसूत्र दोनों में असमानताओं के कारण हो सकते हैं। मानव शरीर पर इनके प्रभावों के संदर्भ में उपयुक्त उदाहरणों के साथ विस्तार से बताइए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(c)
      Approach: Explain the origin of numerical aberrations (non-disjunction), then describe the autosomal (Down, Edwards, Patau) and sex-chromosomal (Turner, Klinefelter, XYY, triple X) conditions with their bodily effects, and explain why sex-chromosome aneuploidies are milder.
      Numerical aberrations are changes in chromosome number. Aneuploidy, the gain or loss of one chromosome, arises mostly through non-disjunction, the failure of homologues or chromatids to separate in meiosis, and becomes commoner with advancing maternal age.
      Autosomal: (i) Down syndrome, trisomy 21 (about 1 in 700 to 800 births): flat face, upward-slanting eyes with epicanthic folds, a single palmar crease, short stature, intellectual disability, heart defects, raised leukaemia risk and early Alzheimer changes. (ii) Edwards syndrome, trisomy 18: clenched fists with overlapping fingers, rocker-bottom feet and heart defects; most die within the first year. (iii) Patau syndrome, trisomy 13: cleft lip and palate, polydactyly, eye and brain malformations, and very short survival. Autosomal monosomies are lethal.
      Sex chromosomal: (i) Turner syndrome, 45,X: females of short stature with webbed neck, broad chest, streak ovaries and infertility, normally with normal intelligence. (ii) Klinefelter syndrome, 47,XXY: tall males with small testes, infertility, sometimes gynaecomastia and learning difficulties. (iii) 47,XYY: tall males, mostly normal. (iv) 47,XXX: tall females, usually fertile.
      Sex-chromosome aneuploidies are milder because of X inactivation (the Lyon hypothesis, 1961), which silences extra X chromosomes, and because the Y carries few genes; the severity that remains comes from genes escaping inactivation, such as SHOX, which affects height.

    Question 5 (50 marks)

    1. Q5(a) · Culture, Communication and Research Methods · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Fieldwork Tradition, Technique, Method and Methodology

      Ethics in anthropological fieldwork

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      मानवशास्त्रीय क्षेत्र-कार्य में नैतिकता

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(a)
      Approach: Define research ethics, list the core principles with codes and guidelines, illustrate with controversies (world and Indian), and conclude.
      Ethics in fieldwork means the moral obligations an anthropologist owes to the people studied, to colleagues, sponsors and the public. Because anthropologists live closely with often vulnerable communities, the first duty is to the people studied.
      Principles: informed consent, freely given after explaining the purpose; confidentiality and anonymity; do no harm; honesty about sponsorship; respect for local customs; reciprocity and benefit-sharing; and returning findings to the community. The American Anthropological Association’s Principles of Professional Responsibility (1971, revised 2012) and, in India, the ICMR National Ethical Guidelines (2017) for health and genetic research codify these.
      Controversies: Project Camelot (1964–65), a US Army-funded study in Latin America; the debate over research among the Yanomami raised by Patrick Tierney’s Darkness in El Dorado (2000); and the Havasupai case, where blood samples were used beyond consent. In India, sampling of PVTGs such as the Jarawa requires permission under the Andaman protection regulation, and the 2012 human safari videos showed the harm of intrusive contact.
      Ethical reflexivity is now part of good fieldwork.
    2. Q5(b) · The Biological Basis of Life · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      The Cell, DNA and Protein Synthesis

      Distinguishing features of nuclear and mitochondrial DNA

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      नाभिकीय और माइटोकॉन्ड्रियल डी० एन० ए० की विशिष्ट विशेषताएँ

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(b)
      Approach: A short note: compare nuclear and mitochondrial DNA on location, structure, size, copy number, inheritance, recombination and mutation rate (a compact comparison works well), then state their uses in anthropology.
      Location and structure: nuclear DNA lies in the nucleus as 46 linear chromosomes wrapped around histone proteins; mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) lies in the mitochondria as a small, circular molecule without histones, much like a bacterial genome.
      Size and content: the nuclear genome has about 3.2 billion base pairs and roughly 20,000 protein-coding genes; mtDNA has about 16,569 base pairs and 37 genes (13 for proteins of energy production, 22 for transfer RNAs and 2 for ribosomal RNAs), with little non-coding DNA except the control region (D-loop).
      Copy number: two copies of each nuclear chromosome per cell, against hundreds to thousands of mtDNA copies.
      Inheritance: nuclear DNA comes from both parents and recombines every generation; mtDNA is inherited only through the mother and does not recombine, and it mutates faster.
      Uses: these features make mtDNA a molecular clock for tracing maternal lineages, as in the mitochondrial Eve study (Cann, Stoneking and Wilson, 1987); nuclear DNA gives the full ancestry, as shown by Neanderthal admixture in non-Africans (2010).
    3. Q5(c) · Family · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Family and Social Change

      Feminist movement and family

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      नारीवादी आन्दोलन और परिवार

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(c)
      Approach: A short note: show how feminist movements and scholars criticised the family, name key thinkers, and state the effects on family life and law.
      Feminist movements questioned the family as a natural, harmonious unit and exposed power within it; Engels (1884) had linked the monogamous family to private property and women's subordination.
      Second-wave feminism, sparked by Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique (1963), criticised the housewife role; Ann Oakley (1974) showed housework as unpaid labour and the double burden of employed women; Kate Millett (1970) saw the family as the core institution of patriarchy.
      In anthropology, Michelle Rosaldo (1974) linked subordination to women's confinement to the domestic sphere, Sherry Ortner (1974) asked whether female is to male as nature is to culture, and Leela Dube and Bina Agarwal showed how kinship and inheritance shape South Asian women's lives.
      Effects include dual-earner families, later marriage, more divorce and single-parent households, and in India the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 and daughters' coparcenary rights (2005).
      The family has been democratised rather than abolished.
    4. Q5(d) · Reproductive Biology, Demography and Applied Anthropology · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Applications of Anthropology

      Anthropometry in ergonomics

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      एर्गोनॉमिक्स में मानवमिति

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(d)
      Approach: A short note: define anthropometry and ergonomics, explain static and dynamic data and the percentile principle, with Indian examples.
      Ergonomics is the science of fitting tools, workplaces and tasks to the human body; anthropometry, the measurement of body dimensions, supplies its basic data.
      Two kinds of data are used: static or structural measurements (stature, sitting height, hip breadth, hand length) and dynamic or functional ones (arm reach, grip strength, range of joint movement).
      Percentile principle: designs usually cover the 5th to 95th percentile of users; clearances such as door height suit the 95th percentile, reach distances the 5th, and seats are made adjustable.
      Indian examples: the Central Institute of Agricultural Engineering, Bhopal, compiled anthropometric and strength data of Indian farm workers (Gite and colleagues, 2009) for designing tools and tractor controls; school furniture, bus seats and clothing sizes based on Western data misfit Indian bodies, and women are under-represented in design data.
      Good ergonomic design reduces fatigue, injury and accidents and raises productivity, which is why population-specific, regularly updated anthropometric databases are needed.
    5. Q5(e) · Prehistoric Archaeology · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Principles of Prehistoric Archaeology and Dating Methods

      Thermoluminescence dating method

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      थर्मोल्यूमिनेसेंस तिथि-निर्धारण विधि

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(e)
      Approach: Explain the physical principle and age equation, then materials, range, applications and limitations; a simple glow-curve or electron-trap sketch helps.
      Thermoluminescence (TL) dating is an absolute method that dates the last time a crystalline material such as pottery or flint was heated. Martin Aitken at Oxford developed it for archaeology in the 1960s.
      Principle: quartz and feldspar grains absorb radiation from uranium, thorium and potassium in the soil; freed electrons get caught in crystal defects (traps). Heating, as in firing pottery, empties the traps and resets the clock.
      In the laboratory the sample is reheated and the light emitted is measured. Age = equivalent (archaeological) dose divided by the annual dose rate measured at the site.
      Range and uses: from a few hundred years to a few hundred thousand years, with about 5 to 10 percent error. It dates pottery, burnt flint and kilns, and detects fake ceramics; TL on burnt flint dated Qafzeh (Israel) to about 92,000 years.
      Limitations: dose rate is hard to estimate, heating must have been complete, and some feldspars lose signal. Its sister method, OSL, dates sediments last exposed to sunlight.

    Question 6 (50 marks)

    1. Q6(a) · Human Genetics: Methods, Inheritance and Chromosomes · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Methods of Studying Human Genetics

      How would you find out that a particular disease/disorder is inherited and, if so, in which manner? Elaborate with suitable examples.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      आप यह कैसे पता लगाएँगे कि कोई विशेष रोग/विकार वंशानुगत है और यदि हाँ, तो किस प्रकार से वंशानुगत है? उपयुक्त उदाहरणों के साथ विस्तार से बताइए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(a)
      Approach: Two steps: first the evidence that a disorder is genetic (familial clustering, twin, adoption, consanguinity, cytogenetic and molecular tests), then how pedigree patterns reveal the mode of inheritance, with a disease example for each and a pedigree diagram.
      To decide whether a disorder is inherited, a geneticist must first separate genetic causes from shared environment, and then identify the pattern of transmission.
      Is it inherited? (i) Familial aggregation: the risk among relatives of an affected person is higher than in the general population and falls with distance of relationship. (ii) Twin studies: much higher concordance in identical (MZ) than fraternal (DZ) twins, as in schizophrenia or type 1 diabetes. (iii) Adoption studies: adopted children resemble biological rather than adoptive parents. (iv) Excess of the disorder among children of consanguineous marriages points to recessive genes. (v) Karyotyping and molecular tests detect chromosomal or DNA changes, and linkage or GWAS locate genes.
      In which manner? Pedigree analysis answers this. Autosomal dominant: affected in every generation, both sexes, an affected parent in each case, half the children at risk, as in Huntington disease and achondroplasia. Autosomal recessive: skips generations, unaffected carrier parents, a quarter of sibs affected, frequent with consanguinity, as in sickle-cell anaemia among tribes of central India and beta-thalassaemia. X-linked recessive: mostly males affected through carrier mothers, no male-to-male transmission, as in haemophilia A and Duchenne muscular dystrophy. X-linked dominant: affected fathers transmit to all daughters and no sons, as in hypophosphataemic rickets. Mitochondrial: transmission only through mothers, as in Leber hereditary optic neuropathy.
      Multifactorial disorders such as cleft lip, neural tube defects and type 2 diabetes show familial risk without a clear Mendelian ratio; segregation analysis and the threshold model are then used.
      Diagram: four small pedigrees side by side, autosomal dominant, autosomal recessive with a consanguineous double line, X-linked recessive and mitochondrial, using squares, circles, shaded affected and dotted carriers.
      Combining family, population and molecular evidence thus establishes both the genetic basis and the mode of inheritance, which is essential for genetic counselling.
    2. Q6(b) · Anthropological Theories · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Culture and Personality, Neo-evolutionism and Later Theories

      Critically discuss how culture determines human behaviour in the light of Leslie White's theory.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      लेस्ली व्हाइट के सिद्धांत के आलोक में आलोचनात्मक चर्चा कीजिए कि संस्कृति किस प्रकार मानवीय व्यवहार को निर्धारित करती है।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(b)
      Approach: Explain White’s culturology (culture as symbolic and sui generis, energy law, three subsystems) to show how culture determines behaviour, then critically assess the determinism.
      Leslie A. White, in The Science of Culture (1949) and The Evolution of Culture (1959), proposed culturology, the science of culture as a level of reality of its own, above the psychological and biological levels.
      Culture determines behaviour: for White, culture rests on the symbol, the capacity to bestow meaning (holy water differs from ordinary water only by symbolic value). Once created, culture is extra-somatic and passes between generations independently of individuals. Human behaviour is therefore a function of culture: a person speaks Hindi or English or eats with a spoon or hand because of the culture into which he is born, not because of instinct or individual will. Individuals are carriers, not causes, of culture.
      Energy law: culture evolves as the amount of energy harnessed per capita per year increases, or as the efficiency of tools improves, often written E × T = C. The technological subsystem determines the sociological (kinship, economy, politics) and ideological (beliefs, philosophy) subsystems.
      Critique: Boasians and later interpretive anthropologists called this cultural determinism that leaves no room for agency, creativity or meaning; Steward showed that environment and history produce multiple paths; practice theorists (Bourdieu, Ortner) stress that people reproduce and alter culture. White’s view rightly shows that behaviour is learned and patterned, but it overstates the passivity of individuals.
    3. Q6(c) · Primates · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Characteristics, Evolutionary Trends and Taxonomy of Primates

      What are Strepsirhini Primates? Describe their geographical distribution and mention the characteristics that distinguish them from Haplorhini Primates.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      स्ट्रेप्सिराइनी प्राइमेट क्या हैं? उनके भौगोलिक वितरण का वर्णन कीजिए और उन विशेषताओं का उल्लेख कीजिए, जो उन्हें हैप्लोराइनी प्राइमेट से अलग करती हैं।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(c)
      Approach: Define Strepsirhini within the modern clade-based taxonomy, give their geographical distribution group by group, then list the features separating them from Haplorhini, ideally as a short comparison, with a classification tree.
      In the modern clade-based classification the order Primates is divided into two suborders: Strepsirhini (wet-nosed primates: lemurs, lorises, galagos and the aye-aye) and Haplorhini (dry-nosed primates: tarsiers, monkeys, apes and humans). This replaced Simpson's (1945) grade division into Prosimii and Anthropoidea, because tarsiers share derived traits with anthropoids.
      Distribution: lemurs, including the ring-tailed lemur, sifakas, indris and the aye-aye, live only on Madagascar and the nearby Comoros. Lorises live in South and South-east Asia, including the slender loris of south India and Sri Lanka and the Bengal slow loris of north-east India. Galagos (bushbabies) and pottos live in sub-Saharan Africa.
      Distinguishing features: a moist rhinarium with the upper lip tethered to the gum, against a dry nose and mobile lip in haplorhines; a dental toothcomb of forward-projecting lower incisors and canines used in grooming; a grooming claw on the second toe; and a postorbital bar rather than full postorbital closure.
      They also have a reflecting tapetum lucidum behind the retina (most are nocturnal), a better sense of smell with a functional vomeronasal organ, an unfused mandibular symphysis, a bicornuate uterus and an epitheliochorial placenta, whereas haplorhines have a haemochorial placenta. Unlike haplorhines, strepsirhines can make their own vitamin C.
      Diagram: a tree: Primates splits into Strepsirhini (Lemuriformes, Lorisiformes) and Haplorhini (Tarsiiformes, Anthropoidea); Anthropoidea splits into Platyrrhini and Catarrhini.
      Strepsirhines thus retain more ancestral primate traits, and Madagascar's lemurs are a classic adaptive radiation in isolation. Most are now threatened by habitat loss.

    Question 7 (50 marks)

    1. Q7(a) · Culture, Communication and Research Methods · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Fieldwork Tradition, Technique, Method and Methodology

      Discuss the mixed method approach in anthropological research.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      मानवशास्त्रीय अनुसंधान में मिश्रित विधि दृष्टिकोण पर चर्चा कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(a)
      Approach: Define mixed methods, explain rationale and designs (convergent, explanatory and exploratory sequential, embedded), give anthropological and Indian examples, then weigh advantages and challenges.
      A mixed method approach combines qualitative and quantitative data collection and analysis within a single study, so that numbers show the extent and distribution of a phenomenon while ethnography explains its meaning and process. Writers such as John Creswell and Tashakkori and Teddlie systematised it from the 1990s, but anthropologists had long combined household censuses with participant observation.
      Rationale: triangulation (Norman Denzin, 1970) checks findings from one method against another; complementarity covers different aspects; one method can guide the other; and policy-makers often demand measurable evidence.
      Designs: (i) convergent parallel, where survey and ethnography run together and are compared; (ii) explanatory sequential, a survey followed by ethnography to explain surprising patterns; (iii) exploratory sequential, ethnography first to build culturally valid questionnaire items, then a survey; (iv) embedded, where a small qualitative strand sits within a larger trial.
      Examples: M.N. Srinivas’s Rampura study combined village census data with observation; Scarlett Epstein’s Economic Development and Social Change in South India (1962) compared the villages of Wangala and Dalena with household economic surveys and ethnography; the Six Cultures project paired systematic behaviour counts with ethnography. In health research, NFHS data on child stunting among Scheduled Tribes are interpreted through ethnographic study of food practices and access to services.
      Advantages: richer, more valid and generalisable findings; voice for communities alongside statistics.
      Challenges: different philosophical assumptions (positivist versus interpretive), the need for skills in both, longer time and higher cost, and difficulty integrating contradictory results. Integration must be planned at design, analysis and interpretation stages.
      Mixed methods thus reflect anthropology’s holism and are now standard in applied, medical and development anthropology.
    2. Q7(b) · Reproductive Biology, Demography and Applied Anthropology · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Demographic Theories and Factors of Fertility and Mortality

      What do you understand by fertility and mortality? How are these influenced by biological and socio-ecological factors?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      प्रजनन शक्ति और मृत्यु-संख्या से आपका क्या तात्पर्य है? जैविक और सामाजिक-पारिस्थितिक कारक इन्हें किस प्रकार प्रभावित करते हैं?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(b)
      Approach: Define fertility and mortality with their measures, then group the influencing factors into biological and socio-ecological, with Indian data and examples for each.
      Fertility is actual reproductive performance, measured by the crude birth rate and total fertility rate (TFR); mortality is the incidence of death, measured by the crude death rate, infant mortality rate (IMR) and life expectancy.
      Biological factors of fertility: age at menarche and menopause, fecundability, adolescent sub-fecundity, lactational amenorrhoea, nutrition and body fat, and diseases such as genital tuberculosis, malaria and sexually transmitted infections that cause sterility or pregnancy loss.
      Socio-ecological factors of fertility: age at and universality of marriage, polyandry or polygyny, widow remarriage, son preference, female education (NFHS-5: TFR about 2.8 for women with no schooling against about 1.8 with 12 or more years), urbanisation, value of child labour and access to contraception; TFR fell to 2.0 in NFHS-5 (2019–21).
      Biological factors of mortality: age (high in infancy and old age), sex (a female survival advantage), low birth weight, very young or older maternal age, and genetic disorders such as sickle-cell disease and thalassaemia common in parts of tribal central India.
      Socio-ecological factors of mortality: nutrition, safe water, sanitation, immunisation, maternal education, income, malaria in forest ecologies and gender discrimination against girls. The Sample Registration System reported IMR of 28 per 1,000 live births (2020); the Onge and Great Andamanese suffered high mortality after outside contact.
      Biology sets the limits, but socio-ecological conditions explain most differences between populations; female education and health care lower both fertility and mortality.
    3. Q7(c) · Prehistoric Archaeology · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Cultures

      Write a detailed note on the characteristic features, chronology, geographical distribution, tool types and lifeways of Magdalenian cultural tradition of Europe.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      यूरोप की मैग्डेलेनियन सांस्कृतिक परंपरा की विशिष्ट विशेषताओं, कालक्रम, भौगोलिक वितरण, उपकरणों के प्रकार और जीवनशैली पर एक विस्तृत टिप्पणी लिखिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(c)
      Approach: Cover each demanded head in turn: features, chronology, distribution, tool types and lifeways (with art), and conclude on its significance; a sketch of a harpoon and spear-thrower helps.
      The Magdalenian is the last Upper Palaeolithic tradition of western Europe, named after the rock shelter of La Madeleine in the Dordogne, France; Henri Breuil divided it into six stages (I–VI) by its bone and antler tools.
      Chronology and distribution: about 17,000 to 12,000 years ago, during and after the Last Glacial Maximum, in France and northern Spain (Cantabria and the Pyrenees), spreading to Belgium, Switzerland, Germany and Poland as the ice retreated.
      Tool types: a blade industry with backed bladelets, burins, end scrapers and borers; above all a rich bone and antler industry of points, eyed needles, perforated batons, decorated spear-throwers and barbed harpoons (single-row, then double-row in the late stages).
      Lifeways: people hunted reindeer, horse, bison and ibex and fished salmon, moving seasonally. Pincevent near Paris (excavated by André Leroi-Gourhan) preserved tent hearths of reindeer hunters, and Gönnersdorf in Germany had dwellings with engraved slate plaques. Large sites may have been seasonal gathering places.
      Art: the great polychrome cave art of Altamira, Niaux and Font-de-Gaume, and much of Lascaux, is Magdalenian, together with portable art such as the spear-thrower from Mas d'Azil carved with a young ibex and birds.
      Diagram: a barbed antler harpoon and a hooked spear-thrower launching a dart.
      As the climate warmed and forests replaced open tundra, the Magdalenian gave way to the Azilian. It marks the peak of Palaeolithic technology and art.

    Question 8 (50 marks)

    1. Q8(a) · Anthropological Theories · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Functionalism, Structural-Functionalism and Structuralism

      Compare Edmund Leach's structuralism with interpretive anthropology of Clifford Geertz.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      एडमंड लीच के संरचनावाद की तुलना क्लिफोर्ड गीर्ट्ज़ के व्याख्यात्मक मानवशास्त्र से कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(a)
      Approach: Introduce both scholars, compare them on the nature of culture, method, unit of analysis, view of meaning and change, with ethnographic examples (Kachin, Bali), and end with points of convergence.
      Edmund Leach introduced Lévi-Strauss’s structuralism into British social anthropology but used it in his own empirical and pragmatic way. Clifford Geertz founded interpretive anthropology, which treats culture as a public system of meanings to be read like a text.
      Leach’s position: in Political Systems of Highland Burma (1954) he showed that Kachin communities oscillate between the hierarchical gumsa and the egalitarian gumlao models, so social structure is an ideal model people manipulate, not a fixed equilibrium. In Rethinking Anthropology (1961) he attacked typological “butterfly collecting” and asked for mathematical-style patterns; in Genesis as Myth (1969) and Culture and Communication (1976) he decoded myths and rituals as binary codes of communication.
      Geertz’s position: in The Interpretation of Cultures (1973) culture is “webs of significance” man himself has spun, and anthropology is an interpretive search for meaning through thick description. The Balinese cockfight, read as a story the Balinese tell themselves about status, is his model.
      Contrasts: (i) Leach looks for hidden logical structures behind meaning, Geertz for meaning as understood by actors in context; (ii) Leach aims at generalisable, almost scientific models, Geertz at local knowledge and rejects universal mental laws, criticising Lévi-Strauss as the “cerebral savage” (1967); (iii) Leach saw structure as dynamic and manipulable by individuals, Geertz has been criticised for treating culture as shared and seamless.
      Convergence: both broke from the static structural-functionalism of Radcliffe-Brown, both treat ritual and myth as communication, and both stressed that people act through cultural categories.
      Critics charged Leach with formalism and Geertz with subjectivity and neglect of power (Asad, 1983). Today the two are complementary: structure supplies the grammar of a culture, interpretation its living meanings.
    2. Q8(b) · Reproductive Biology, Demography and Applied Anthropology · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Menarche, Menopause and Fertility Patterns

      In what manner is our understanding of serogenetics and cytogenetics useful in reproductive biology? What are the major ethical issues involved in reproductive technology?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      हमारी सेरोजेनेटिक्स और साइटोजेनेटिक्स की समझ प्रजनन जीवविज्ञान में किस प्रकार उपयोगी है? प्रजनन टेक्नोलॉजी से जुड़े मुख्य नैतिक मुद्दे कौन-से हैं?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(b)
      Approach: Two demands: the use of serogenetics and cytogenetics in reproductive biology, and the ethics of reproductive technology. Define both fields, give clinical applications with examples, then list ethical issues with Indian laws.
      Serogenetics studies inherited antigens and antibodies of blood and serum (ABO, Rh, HLA), while cytogenetics studies chromosomes, their number and structure, through karyotyping, banding and FISH. Both explain why some couples fail to conceive or lose pregnancies.
      Serogenetic uses: an Rh-negative mother carrying an Rh-positive foetus may form anti-D antibodies that cause haemolytic disease of the newborn in the next pregnancy, prevented since the late 1960s by anti-D immunoglobulin; ABO incompatibility causes milder disease; antisperm antibodies cause some infertility; HLA sharing between spouses has been studied as a cause of recurrent miscarriage, though this is debated.
      Cytogenetic uses: karyotyping of couples with recurrent pregnancy loss reveals balanced translocations in some carriers; Klinefelter syndrome (47,XXY) and Y-chromosome AZF microdeletions explain male infertility and Turner syndrome (45,X) primary amenorrhoea; about half of first-trimester miscarriages are chromosomally abnormal; amniocentesis, chorionic villus sampling and preimplantation genetic testing detect Down syndrome and other disorders.
      Ethical issues: sex selection, banned by the PCPNDT Act 1994; embryo selection sliding toward eugenics and designer babies, as in He Jiankui's gene-edited twins (2018); exploitation in commercial surrogacy, now banned by the Surrogacy (Regulation) Act 2021; consent, genetic privacy and unequal access to costly IVF.
      These fields make many reproductive failures treatable, but their use must be regulated, as under the ART (Regulation) Act 2021, and guided by non-directive counselling.
    3. Q8(c) · Anthropological Theories · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Culture and Personality, Neo-evolutionism and Later Theories

      Discuss, with appropriate examples, how basic personality types may lead towards building up of national character.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      उपयुक्त उदाहरणों के साथ चर्चा कीजिए कि किस प्रकार व्यक्तित्व के मूल प्रकार राष्ट्रीय चरित्र के निर्माण में सहायक हो सकते हैं।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(c)
      Approach: Explain basic personality structure and modal personality, show how wartime scholars extended them to national character with examples (Japan, Russia, USA), and evaluate the leap from personality type to nation.
      The culture and personality school held that a society’s child-rearing produces a shared personality. Abram Kardiner and Ralph Linton called this the basic personality structure: primary institutions (feeding, weaning, discipline, family) shape a common personality, which in turn creates secondary institutions such as religion and folklore. Cora Du Bois in The People of Alor (1944) refined it as modal personality, the most frequent type found by projective tests.
      From personality to nation: during the Second World War the same reasoning was applied to modern nations. Ruth Benedict’s The Chrysanthemum and the Sword (1946) described Japanese character through hierarchy, obligation (on and giri) and a shame orientation. Geoffrey Gorer and John Rickman (The People of Great Russia, 1949) linked tight swaddling of infants to alternating Russian moods of submission and outburst.
      Margaret Mead’s And Keep Your Powder Dry (1942) treated American achievement-orientation as a product of conditional parental love. Francis Hsu (1953) contrasted individual-centred Americans with situation-centred Chinese.
      Evaluation: these studies showed that national behaviour has cultural roots and aided wartime policy. But a nation is not a tribe: class, region, religion and ethnicity create many personalities, as India’s diversity shows. Childhood determinism was untested and the studies slid into stereotypes. Basic personality can inform national character only as a statistical tendency, not a uniform essence.

    UPSC Mains 2026 Anthropology Paper II

    Question 1 (50 marks)

    1. Q1(a) · Demographic Profile and the Traditional Indian Social System · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Ethnic and Linguistic Elements in the Indian Population

      Dravidian language family and its tribal speakers.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      द्रविड़ भाषा परिवार और इस के जनजातीय बोलने वाले ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(a)
      Approach: A short note: the Dravidian family, its sub-groups, distribution and the tribal languages within it, with figures.
      The Dravidian language family, recognised by F.W. Ellis (1816) and named by Robert Caldwell in his comparative grammar (1856), was spoken by 19.64 percent of Indians in Census 2011, the second largest family after Indo-European.
      Its four sub-groups are South (Tamil, Malayalam, Kannada, Tulu, Kodava, Toda, Kota, Irula), South-Central (Telugu, Gondi, Kui, Kuvi, Konda, Pengo), Central (Kolami, Parji, Ollari, Naiki) and North (Kurukh, Malto, Brahui).
      Tribal speakers: the Gond speak Gondi (about 29.8 lakh speakers in 2011) across Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh and Telangana; the Oraon speak Kurukh (about 19.9 lakh) in Jharkhand, Odisha and Chhattisgarh; the Sauria Paharia speak Malto in the Rajmahal hills; the Kondh speak Kui and Kuvi in Odisha; the Kolam speak Kolami; and the Toda, Kota and Irula of the Nilgiris speak South Dravidian languages.
      These islands of Dravidian speech in central and eastern India, with Brahui in Balochistan, suggest a once wider spread; many tribal Dravidian languages are unwritten and declining under pressure from regional languages.
    2. Q1(b) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Palaeo-anthropological Evidence and Ethno-archaeology in India

      Seed Eaters Model of hominid differentiation.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      बीज खाने वाले होमिनिड विभेदन का मॉडल ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(b)
      Approach: A short note on Clifford Jolly's seed-eaters model: the baboon analogy, the predicted hominid traits, its link to Ramapithecus and its criticism.
      The seed-eaters model was proposed by Clifford Jolly in 1970 (in Man) to explain how hominids diverged from apes. He used the gelada baboon (Theropithecus gelada) of the Ethiopian grasslands, which feeds on small seeds, grass blades and roots, as an analogy.
      Small-object feeding in open country, he argued, selects for a 'T-complex' of traits: small incisors, reduced non-honing canines, thick enamel, large flat molars with rotary chewing, a robust jaw, an upright trunk while sitting to feed, and fine manual dexterity for picking seeds; tool use came later.
      The model fitted the dental features then claimed for Ramapithecus of the Siwaliks (small canines, thick enamel), so it supported its hominid status in the 1970s.
      Criticism: the gelada is a monkey, not an ancestor, and parallel evolution does not prove a hominid pathway; Ramapithecus was later shown to be an orang-utan relative; and early hominins such as Ardipithecus lived in woodland with mixed diets. Still, the model was important for linking diet, dentition and ecology in hominid origins.
    3. Q1(c) · Weaker Sections, Ethnicity and Tribal Change · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Ethnicity, Tribal Unrest, Regionalism and Pseudo-tribalism

      Tana Bhagat movement.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      ताना भगत आन्दोलन ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(c)
      Approach: A short note on the origin, leader, beliefs, links with the national movement and significance of the Tana Bhagat movement, placing it in K.S. Singh's typology.
      The Tana Bhagat movement began in 1914 among the Oraon of Chotanagpur (present Gumla and Ranchi districts of Jharkhand), led by Jatra Oraon, later called Jatra Bhagat.
      Beliefs and practices: Jatra claimed divine inspiration from Dharmes, the Oraon supreme deity, and asked followers to give up spirit (bhut) worship, ojhas, animal sacrifice, meat, liquor and dancing; 'tana' refers to pulling out these evils. Followers also refused to pay rent and to work as labourers for landlords.
      Link with the national movement: from about 1920 the Tana Bhagats joined Gandhi's Non-Cooperation Movement, wore khadi and Gandhi caps and revered the tricolour; many lost land for refusing rent, which the Tana Bhagat Raiyats Agricultural Lands Restoration Act (1947) later sought to restore.
      Analysis: K.S. Singh classes it as a socio-religious reform movement; it combined agrarian protest with Sanskritisation-like purification, a pattern Surajit Sinha and others noted in Bhagat movements.
      Tana Bhagat communities still keep their white dress and flag worship, showing how tribal reform fused with Indian nationalism.
    4. Q1(d) · Tribal Administration and Applied Anthropology · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Tribal Administration, Policies and PVTGs

      Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG) of the islands.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      द्वीपों के विशेष रूप से कमजोर आदिवासी समूह (पी.भी.टी.जी.) ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(d)
      Approach: A short note on the five PVTGs of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands: location, approximate population, economy, threats and protective policies.
      Of India's 75 PVTGs, five live in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, each numbering from a few dozen to a few hundred in Census 2011.
      The groups: the Great Andamanese, resettled on Strait Island and reduced to a few dozen; the Onge of Dugong Creek, Little Andaman, about a hundred; the Jarawa of the western forests of South and Middle Andaman, a few hundred hunter-gatherers; the Sentinelese of North Sentinel Island, who reject all contact; and the Shompen of Great Nicobar, forest foragers and horticulturists.
      Threats: epidemics after contact (measles among the Jarawa in 1999), dependence on rations among the Great Andamanese and Onge, tourism along the Andaman Trunk Road and concerns over the Great Nicobar development project for the Shompen.
      Protection: the Andaman and Nicobar Protection of Aboriginal Tribes Regulation (1956) creates tribal reserves; the Jarawa policy (2004) and Shompen policy (2015) favour minimal, community-led contact; visiting North Sentinel is prohibited.
      Their case shows that for isolated PVTGs, protection and the right to choose isolation matter more than development schemes.
    5. Q1(e) · Anthropology in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Indian Anthropologists and Tribal and Caste Studies

      Kumar Suresh Singh's contribution in studying tribal movements.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      जनजातीय आन्दोलनों के अध्ययन में कुमार सुरेश सिंह का योगदान ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(e)
      Approach: A short note: who K.S. Singh was, his Birsa Munda study, his edited volumes and classification of tribal movements, and the value of his work.
      Kumar Suresh Singh (1935–2008), an IAS officer, historian and later Director-General of the Anthropological Survey of India, combined archival history with fieldwork in his study of tribal movements.
      His The Dust-Storm and the Hanging Mist (1966), later revised as Birsa Munda and His Movement 1874–1901, showed the Birsa movement as a response to land alienation, forced labour and missionary and landlord pressure, combining religious reform with agrarian revolt (ulgulan).
      In the edited volumes Tribal Movements in India (1982, 1983) he classified movements into those based on land and forests, those seeking socio-religious reform or sanskritization, and those demanding political autonomy or statehood, such as the Jharkhand and Naga movements. He also linked their phases to colonial and post-colonial changes.
      His work showed that tribal movements were rational responses to exploitation rather than 'primitive' outbursts, and it remains a basic source for tribal policy and history.

    Question 2 (50 marks)

    1. Q2(a) · Caste System and Religions in Indian Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Dominant Caste, Caste Mobility, Jajmani System and the Tribe–Caste Continuum

      What are the major debates related to the concept of jajmani system ?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      जजमानी व्यवस्था की अवधारणा से संबंधित प्रमुख वाद-विवाद क्या हैं ?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(a)
      Approach: Define the jajmani system, then organise the answer around four debates: functional or exploitative, real system or scholarly construct, economic or ritual, and survival or decline under the market. Close with an assessment.
      William Wiser (The Hindu Jajmani System, 1936), studying Karimpur in Uttar Pradesh, described the jajmani system as hereditary, reciprocal ties in which service castes (kamins) such as barbers, carpenters, potters and washermen served landowning patrons (jajmans) in return for fixed shares of grain at harvest and gifts at festivals and life-cycle rites.
      Functional or exploitative: Wiser saw mutual obligation that gave security to both sides. Thomas Beidelman (1959) argued that it rested on the power of the landowning caste and benefited it most, and Harold Gould agreed. Pauline Kolenda (1963) combined the two, noting both security and inequality.
      Economic or ritual: Louis Dumont and David Pocock stressed that the barber, washerman and priest performed ritual services that removed pollution, so the system expressed hierarchy rather than mere exchange of goods and services.
      System or construct: C.J. Fuller (1989) argued that 'the jajmani system' was a scholarly construct which lumped together very different local arrangements, many of them partly paid in cash even before colonial rule. Regional terms such as baluta in Maharashtra show this variety.
      Survival or decline: Oscar Lewis and Victor Barnouw (1956) in Rani Khera and later studies showed cash wages, factory goods and new jobs eroding these ties, while Jan Breman (Patronage and Exploitation, 1974) traced the shift of Gujarat's hali bondage into casual wage labour.
      Today agricultural services are almost entirely monetised, but ritual services by barbers and priests at weddings and deaths survive in many villages.
      The debates show that jajmani was neither a harmonious system nor pure exploitation: it combined security, ritual hierarchy and dominance, and its decline has brought freedom from bondage along with new insecurity.
    2. Q2(b) · Tribal Administration and Applied Anthropology · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Tribal Administration, Policies and PVTGs

      'Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan aims to meet some of the Sustainable Development Goals'. Discuss.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      'धरती आबा जनजातीय ग्राम उत्कर्ष अभियान का लक्ष्य कुछ सतत विकास लक्ष्यों को पूरा करना है ।' चर्चा कीजिए ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(b)
      Approach: Describe the Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan (scale, coverage, interventions), map its interventions to specific SDGs, and discuss limitations and conditions for success.
      The Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan (DAJGUA), approved in September 2024 and launched on 2 October 2024, commits 79,156 crore rupees over five years to about 63,800 tribal-majority villages in 549 districts, bringing 17 ministries together for 25 interventions. It is named after Birsa Munda.
      SDG 1 and 11 (no poverty, housing): pucca houses under PMAY-Gramin and livelihood support for Forest Rights Act title holders.
      SDG 2 and 3 (nutrition and health): Anganwadi centres, mobile medical units and sickle-cell screening, addressing high tribal malnutrition and anaemia.
      SDG 4 (education): hostels and upgraded schools, complementing Eklavya Model Residential Schools.
      SDG 6, 7 and 9 (water, energy, infrastructure): tap water under the Jal Jeevan Mission, electrification including off-grid solar, all-weather roads and mobile connectivity.
      SDG 8 and 10 (work and inequality): tribal marketing centres, homestays and skill training, aimed at closing the development gap between tribal and other villages.
      Limits: success depends on convergence across ministries, gram sabha participation under PESA, culturally appropriate design and honest monitoring; earlier convergence schemes failed on these counts.
      DAJGUA can advance the SDG promise to 'leave no one behind' if villages plan and own it.
    3. Q2(c) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Harappan Civilization and Tribal Contributions to Indian Civilization

      What are the evidences available regarding crops and domesticated animals of Indus Valley Civilization ? What are the views of the scholars regarding Indus script ?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      सिंधु घाटी सभ्यता की फसलों और पालतू पशुओं के संबंध में क्या-क्या प्रमाण उपलब्ध हैं ? सिंधु लिपि के संबंध में विद्वानों के क्या विचार हैं ?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(c)
      Approach: Two parts: the archaeobotanical and archaeozoological evidence of Harappan crops and animals with sites, then the main scholarly positions on the Indus script.
      The Harappan economy rested on mixed farming, known from charred grains, animal bones, the Banawali terracotta plough and the furrowed field of early Kalibangan (about 2800 BCE).
      Crops: winter (rabi) crops of wheat and barley were staples, with peas, lentils, chickpea, linseed and mustard; cotton, among the earliest cultivated in the world, with textile impressions at Mohenjo-daro; sesame and dates; and summer crops, millets at Rojdi in Gujarat (Steven Weber's work) and rice at Harappa and in Haryana, showing regional diversity.
      Animals: humped zebu cattle dominate bone assemblages, with water buffalo, sheep, goats, pigs and dogs; the camel occurs at some sites, and fishing and hunting supplemented diet. Claims of the domestic horse, for example at Surkotada, are disputed by archaeozoologists such as Richard Meadow.
      Script: about 400 signs (Iravatham Mahadevan's concordance of 1977 listed 417), written mostly right to left in short texts of about five signs on seals and tags, still undeciphered because there is no bilingual text. Asko Parpola and Mahadevan argue for a Dravidian language; S.R. Rao proposed an Indo-Aryan reading; Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat and Michael Witzel (2004) argued the signs were a non-linguistic symbol system, while Rajesh Rao and colleagues (2009) found statistical patterns typical of language.
      Crops and animals show a resilient, regionally adapted farming base; the script debate stays open until a bilingual text is found.

    Question 3 (50 marks)

    1. Q3(a) · Indian Village, Minorities and Social Change · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      The Indian Village

      Critically examine the salience of F. G. Bailey's study on Bisipara village of Odisha.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      एफ. जी. बेली द्वारा ओडिशा के बिसिपारा गाँव पर किए गए अध्ययन की प्रासंगिकता का आलोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(a)
      Approach: 'Critically examine the salience' asks what Bailey found in Bisipara, why it mattered for theory (economic frontier, caste mobility, arenas, actor approach), and what its limits are.
      F.G. Bailey, a student of the Manchester school, studied Bisipara, a multi-caste village in the Kond hills of Phulbani (Kandhamal) district, Odisha, in the early 1950s. His books Caste and the Economic Frontier (1957), Tribe, Caste and Nation (1960) and Politics and Social Change: Orissa in 1959 (1963) made it one of the classic Indian village studies.
      Findings: before colonial rule land was held by the warrior caste, and caste rank matched land and power. The colonial administration and new trade opened an economic frontier: the Distiller caste prospered in the liquor trade and bought land from the warriors, then claimed higher rank through Sanskritization, and largely succeeded. The untouchable Panos, who gained money and jobs through government favour and education, tried to enter the temple and were resisted, because the village as a whole would not accept their rise.
      Theoretical salience: Bailey showed that caste rank follows changes in control of land and wealth, a structural explanation that challenged purely ideological views of caste. He also showed the village as part of wider political arenas, the village, the Kond hills and the state, linked by brokers and politicians, and he later developed a transactional, actor-centred approach in Stratagems and Spoils (1969). His land-access criterion of the tribe-caste continuum (1961) also came from this region.
      Critique: his explanation underplays the ideology of purity, which Dumont stressed, and the persistence of untouchability despite Pano wealth suggests that economics is not everything. The study rests on one village and a short period, and his game-like model of politics has been called too individualistic.
      Bisipara remains salient because it shows caste, economy and politics changing together, linking village study to the study of the state.
    2. Q3(b) · Religion and Tribes; Tribe and Nation State · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Impact of Religions on Tribal Societies

      Discuss the impact of Christianity on the tribal population of Jharkhand.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      झारखण्ड की आदिवासी आबादी पर ईसाई धर्म के प्रभाव पर चर्चा कीजिए ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(b)
      Approach: Trace the history of missions in Chotanagpur, then discuss the impact of Christianity on education, land struggles, social life, politics and identity among Jharkhand's tribes, including the Christian-Sarna divide, and conclude with a balanced view.
      Christianity reached Chotanagpur when the Gossner Evangelical Lutheran Mission arrived in Ranchi in 1845. Christians formed about 4.3% of Jharkhand's population in 2011, mostly among the Munda, Oraon, Kharia and Ho.
      Land and protection: the Jesuit Father Constant Lievens (from 1885) helped Munda and Oraon cultivators fight landlords in court, which led to mass conversions; the church thus became an ally against diku exploitation, and missionary reports fed into the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act (1908).
      Education and elite formation: mission schools and colleges such as St Xavier's College, Ranchi produced the first tribal graduates, officers and leaders; Jaipal Singh Munda led the Adivasi Mahasabha and the Jharkhand Party.
      Social change: converts gave up sacrifice, the ojha and some dormitory practices, adopted church-centred community life and gave greater schooling to girls; Sachchidananda's Culture Change in Tribal Bihar (1964) documented these shifts.
      Divisions: a Christian-Sarna divide emerged over festivals, village rituals and reservation; Kartik Oraon's campaign in the late 1960s to remove converts from the ST list began the 'delisting' debate, still alive; Jharkhand passed an anti-conversion law in 2017.
      Inculturation: churches use Mundari, Kurukh and Sadri, tribal dance and drums, so Christianity also became a vehicle of Adivasi identity.
      Christianity thus modernised and politicised Jharkhand's tribes while dividing them, and both Christian and Sarna tribals today share a common Adivasi agenda on land and autonomy.
    3. Q3(c) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Palaeo-anthropological Evidence and Ethno-archaeology in India

      Discuss with examples, how general comparative analogy has been used for ethnoarchaeological studies in India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      उदाहरणों सहित चर्चा कीजिए कि भारत में नृजातीय पुरातत्वीय (इथनोआर्किलॉजिकल) अध्ययनों के लिए सामान्य तुलनात्मक सादृश्य का उपयोग किस प्रकार किया गया है ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(c)
      Approach: Explain the types of analogy in ethno-archaeology, especially general comparative analogy, then give Indian examples where it has been used, and assess its strengths and limits.
      Ethno-archaeology studies living societies to interpret archaeological remains, and its main tool is analogy. Scholars distinguish the direct historical approach, in which a present community is assumed to descend from the archaeological one in the same region, from general comparative analogy, which compares unrelated societies with similar environments, technology or economy; Robert Ascher (1961) set out rules for choosing such analogies.
      Indian examples: camp size and seasonal movement of foragers such as the Birhor, Chenchu and Hill Kharia, and of the !Kung and Hadza abroad, are used to model group size and mobility of Mesolithic people in the Belan valley and Ganga plain; K. Paddayya compared present pastoral camps of the Hunsgi valley with the spacing of Acheulian sites; and Andamanese shell middens, studied by Zarine Cooper, guide interpretation of coastal sites.
      By contrast, Kenoyer, Vidale and Bhan's study of Khambhat bead-makers (1991), Allchin's comparison of southern Neolithic ash mounds with regional cattle festivals, and Dhavalikar's comparison of Inamgaon houses with Maharashtra villages lean toward direct historical analogy.
      Assessment: general analogy widens possible interpretations of technology and ecology but cannot prove past behaviour, since modern foragers live within states and markets; Binford's middle-range theory and Alison Wylie argued that analogies must be tested against the record, and tribes must never be treated as living fossils.

    Question 4 (50 marks)

    1. Q4(a) · Tribal Administration and Applied Anthropology · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Tribal Administration, Policies and PVTGs

      Write an account on the contribution of Verrier Elwin in developing policies for the tribal populations in post-independent India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      स्वतंत्रता के बाद के भारत में जनजातीय आबादी के लिए नीतियां विकसित करने में वेरियर एलविन के योगदान का विवरण लिखिए ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(a)
      Approach: Write an account of Verrier Elwin: his background and ethnographic work, his changing views (from protection to integration), his role in NEFA and in Nehru's Panchsheel, his committee work, and a critical assessment of his legacy.
      Verrier Elwin (1902 to 1964), an Oxford-educated Englishman who came to India as a missionary in 1927, left the church, lived among the Gond and Baiga of the Mandla hills and became an Indian citizen in 1954. He shaped tribal policy more than any other anthropologist.
      Ethnographic base: The Baiga (1939), The Muria and their Ghotul (1947) and studies of the Saora and Bondo documented tribal life with sympathy and showed the harm done by forest laws, moneylenders and missionaries.
      Early protectionism: in The Aboriginals (1943) and earlier proposals he suggested protected 'national parks' for tribes such as the Baiga, which G.S. Ghurye attacked as isolationism; Elwin later moved towards integration without imposition.
      NEFA and Panchsheel: as Adviser for Tribal Affairs in the North-East Frontier Agency from 1954, he argued for administration through tribal councils, slow change, protection of land and forests, and Indianisation without Hinduisation; his A Philosophy for NEFA carried Nehru's foreword (1959) setting out the five principles of tribal Panchsheel.
      Policy influence: he chaired the committee on Special Multipurpose Tribal Blocks (report 1960), which criticised over-rapid, uniform development, and advised on the Inner Line and local language education.
      Legacy in policy: the Panchsheel principles shaped the integrationist consensus of Indian tribal policy, PESA's respect for customary institutions (1996) and the Forest Rights Act's recognition of customary rights (2006).
      Critique: critics called his approach paternalistic and 'museumising', his account of tribal sexuality romantic, and his NEFA model slow to build education and infrastructure; Ramachandra Guha's biography Savaging the Civilized (1999) gives a balanced view.
      Elwin's enduring contribution was the idea that tribes should develop 'along the lines of their own genius', with respect for land, institutions and dignity.
    2. Q4(b) · Demographic Profile and the Traditional Indian Social System · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Ethnic and Linguistic Elements in the Indian Population

      Why the classifications of Indian populations, based on somatometric and somatoscopic characteristics failed to develop a common understanding of the population diversity ?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      सोमाटोमेट्रिक और सोमाटोस्कोपिक विशेषताओं के आधार पर भारतीय आबादी के वर्गीकरण से जनसंख्या विविधता की एक सामान्य समझ विकसित करने में विफलता क्यों मिली ?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(b)
      Approach: Explain why classifications based on body measurements and observed traits (Risley, Guha, Sarkar and others) disagreed: methodological, conceptual and biological reasons, then what replaced them.
      Between 1900 and the 1960s, H.H. Risley (seven types, 1901–08), A.C. Haddon, Egon von Eickstedt, B.S. Guha (six races with nine sub-types, 1935–44) and S.S. Sarkar (six elements, 1954) classified Indians using somatometry (stature, cephalic and nasal indices) and somatoscopy (skin colour, hair form, eye fold). Each produced a different scheme, and no common understanding emerged.
      Methodological reasons: small, unrepresentative samples, often of convenient castes; different instruments and landmarks; subjective scoring of skin and hair; and averages that hide large overlaps between groups.
      Biological reasons: these traits are polygenic and plastic, changing with nutrition, climate and the secular trend; head shape changes even between generations, as Franz Boas showed among immigrants (1912); traits vary in clines rather than clusters, and different traits give different boundaries.
      Conceptual reasons: the idea of pure races mixing over time was assumed, not shown; names mixed race with language (Risley's 'Dravidian', 'Scytho-Dravidian'); caste and race were wrongly equated; and colonial administrative aims shaped questions. Different authors also weighed different traits, so Guha found a Negrito element in the south that Sarkar rejected.
      Population genetics replaced typology: blood groups (D.N. Majumdar), then DNA studies such as Reich and colleagues (2009) showed most Indians are mixtures of Ancestral North and South Indians, and the UNESCO statements on race (from 1950) rejected fixed races, explaining why typological schemes could never agree.
    3. Q4(c) · Tribal Situation and Problems in India · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Development Projects, Displacement, Forest Policy and Tribals

      Make a critical appraisal of Niyamgiri movement against mining-induced displacement.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      खनन के कारण हुए विस्थापन के खिलाफ नियमगिरि आंदोलन का आलोचनात्मक मूल्यांकन कीजिए ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(c)
      Approach: Give the background (Dongria Kondh, Niyam Raja, Vedanta's refinery and the mining proposal), the course of the movement and the legal turning points (Saxena Committee 2010, Supreme Court 2013, gram sabha votes), then appraise its achievements and limits.
      The Niyamgiri hills of Rayagada and Kalahandi, Odisha, are home to the Dongria Kondh, a PVTG who worship Niyam Raja, the deity of the hills. After Vedanta built an alumina refinery at Lanjigarh, the Orissa Mining Corporation, with a Vedanta company, proposed bauxite mining on the hilltop.
      The movement: the Dongria and Kutia Kondh, with local groups such as the Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti and national and international supporters, opposed mining as a threat to their sacred mountain, streams and livelihood. The N.C. Saxena Committee (2010) found violations of forest rights, and the environment ministry refused forest clearance in 2010.
      Legal turning point: in Orissa Mining Corporation v. Ministry of Environment and Forests (April 2013), the Supreme Court held that the religious, cultural and community rights of the Dongria under FRA (2006) and PESA must be decided by their gram sabhas. All twelve gram sabhas selected in 2013 rejected mining, and the ministry rejected the project in 2014.
      Achievements: it was the first time gram sabha consent stopped a major mining project, establishing FRA's community and cultural rights and recognising a sacred landscape, a striking illustration of Vidyarthi's nature-man-spirit complex in action.
      Limits: only twelve villages were consulted; the refinery continues with bauxite from elsewhere; activists have faced arrests and surveillance; and the Dongria still lack roads, schools and health care, so the 'development versus rights' tension remains unresolved.

    Question 5 (50 marks)

    1. Q5(a) · Religion and Tribes; Tribe and Nation State · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Impact of Religions on Tribal Societies

      Buddhist tribes of India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारत की बौद्ध जनजातियाँ ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(a)
      Approach: A short note naming India's Buddhist tribes by region and school (Mahayana-Vajrayana and Theravada), with their key institutions and the effects of Buddhism on their society.
      Buddhist tribes live mainly along the Himalayan and north-eastern frontier, where Buddhism spread from Tibet and from Myanmar and Thailand.
      Tibetan (Mahayana-Vajrayana) Buddhists: the Monpa and Sherdukpen of western Arunachal Pradesh, centred on Tawang monastery (founded 1680 to 1681); the Bhutia and many Lepcha of Sikkim; the Bot (Bhot), Changpa and other tribes of Ladakh; and the tribes of Lahaul, Spiti and Kinnaur in Himachal Pradesh, who blend Buddhism with Bon and local deities.
      Theravada Buddhists: the Khampti and many Singpho of eastern Arunachal Pradesh, the Chakma of Mizoram and Tripura, and the Mog (Marma) of Tripura.
      Effects: monasteries became centres of learning, art and record-keeping; lamas took over many roles of shamans; written scripts (Bhoti, Khampti's Tai script) spread literacy; festivals such as Losar mark identity.
      Buddhism thus gave these tribes a literate, organised religion while keeping links to Himalayan and South-East Asian cultures.
    2. Q5(b) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Palaeo-anthropological Evidence and Ethno-archaeology in India

      Debate regarding the phylogenetic position of Narmada Man.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      नर्मदा मानव की विकासवादी वृक्ष (फाइलोजेनेटीक) स्थिति को लेकर बहस ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(b)
      Approach: A short note: the find, the competing classifications (Homo erectus, archaic Homo sapiens, Homo heidelbergensis) with their arguments, and why the debate persists.
      Narmada Man is a partial hominin calvaria found by Arun Sonakia of the Geological Survey of India in December 1982 at Hathnora, Hoshangabad (now Narmadapuram) district, Madhya Pradesh, in Middle Pleistocene gravels with Acheulian tools.
      Homo erectus view: Sonakia named it Homo erectus narmadensis, citing its thick vault, strong brow ridge and low skull. Archaic Homo sapiens view: Kenneth Kennedy and colleagues (1991) found a larger cranial capacity (about 1,155 to 1,421 cc) and a more rounded, expanded vault, and reclassified it as archaic Homo sapiens.
      Homo heidelbergensis view: later comparisons, such as Sheela Athreya's (2007), found affinities with Middle Pleistocene hominins of Africa and Europe often grouped as Homo heidelbergensis, combining archaic and advanced traits.
      The debate persists because there is only one incomplete, distorted skull, its date is uncertain, and Middle Pleistocene taxonomy itself is disputed. Most scholars now see it as a mosaic, transitional archaic hominin rather than classic Homo erectus.
    3. Q5(c) · Tribal Administration and Applied Anthropology · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Tribal Administration, Policies and PVTGs

      Article 371A of the Indian Constitution.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारतीय संविधान का अनुच्छेद 371ए ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(c)
      Approach: A short note on Article 371A: origin, the protections it gives Nagaland, the Governor's special responsibility and Tuensang provisions, and current issues.
      Article 371A was inserted by the 13th Amendment (1962) following the 16-point agreement between the Union and the Naga People's Convention (1960), and Nagaland became a state on 1 December 1963.
      Core protection: no Act of Parliament applies to Nagaland on religious or social practices of the Nagas, Naga customary law and procedure, administration of civil and criminal justice involving decisions according to Naga customary law, or ownership and transfer of land and its resources, unless the Legislative Assembly so decides by resolution.
      Other provisions: the Governor has special responsibility for law and order while internal disturbances continue, and special arrangements, including a regional council, were made for Tuensang district.
      Issues: the land clause is invoked against central control of oil and minerals; customary bodies cited it to resist women's reservation in urban local bodies, until elections were held with it in 2024; the final Naga settlement may expand it.
      Article 371A shows how India accommodates ethno-nationalism through asymmetric federalism.
    4. Q5(d) · Caste System and Religions in Indian Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Sacred Complex, Nature-Man-Spirit Complex and the Impact of Religions

      Nature-Man-Spirit-Complex.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      प्रकृति-मनुष्य-आत्मा-संकुल ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(d)
      Approach: A short note: source and meaning of the concept, its three elements with the Maler example, and its present relevance.
      L.P. Vidyarthi developed the nature-man-spirit complex in The Maler: A Study in Nature-Man-Spirit Complex of a Hill Tribe (1963), on the Maler (Sauria Paharia) of the Rajmahal hills in present Jharkhand.
      He argued that a tribe's environment, society and supernatural world form one interdependent whole. Nature meant the hills and forests where the Maler practised shifting cultivation, hunted and gathered; man meant the village, kin groups and headman; spirit meant the benevolent and malevolent spirits of hills, forests and ancestors, propitiated through rites and specialists.
      Because spirits reside in hills and groves, ritual rules limit clearing and hunting, so religion regulates resource use. The approach parallels Julian Steward's cultural ecology but adds the spirit world.
      The concept explains sacred groves (sarna of the Munda and Oraon, devrai, law kyntang of the Khasi) and the Dongria Kondh's defence of Niyamgiri as the abode of Niyam Raja in 2013. It offers a holistic model for eco-sensitive tribal development.
    5. Q5(e) · Anthropology in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Indian Anthropologists and Tribal and Caste Studies

      Contribution of L. K. Ananthakrishna Iyer in Anthropology.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      नृविज्ञान में एल. के. अनन्ताकृष्णा अय्यर का योगदान ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(e)
      Approach: A short note: Iyer's ethnographic surveys of Cochin and Mysore, his other works, his role in founding university anthropology, and an assessment.
      L.K. Ananthakrishna Iyer (1861–1937) was one of the first Indian ethnographers in the scholar-administrator tradition and a founder of academic anthropology in India.
      Commissioned by the Cochin state's ethnographic survey, he wrote The Cochin Tribes and Castes (1909–1912), describing groups such as the Kadar, Nayadi and Pulaya as well as the Nayars and Nambudiris, followed by The Mysore Tribes and Castes in several volumes. He also wrote Lectures on Ethnography (1925) and a study of the Syrian Christians of Malabar.
      In 1920 he became the first head of the Department of Anthropology at Calcutta University, the first university department of anthropology in India, training the first generation of Indian anthropologists.
      His works are encyclopaedic and descriptive, following the colonial model of caste and tribe surveys, but they preserved detailed records of south Indian communities and gave Indian anthropology an institutional base.

    Question 6 (50 marks)

    1. Q6(a) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Prehistoric Cultures of India

      Make a critical appraisal of the mesolithic culture of Ganga basin with reference to artifacts, faunal and human skeletal remains excavated from different sites.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      गंगा घाटी की मध्यपाषाण कालीन संस्कृति का विभिन्न स्थलों से उत्खनित पुरावशेषों, जीव-अवशेषों तथा मानव कंकाल-अवशेषों के संदर्भ में, एक आलोचनात्मक मूल्यांकन कीजिए ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(a)
      Approach: Critically appraise the Ganga plain Mesolithic: setting and sites, artefacts, fauna, human skeletons, then debates (dating, sedentism, transition to farming). A site map helps.
      The Mesolithic of the middle Ganga plain is known from sites beside horseshoe (oxbow) lakes in Pratapgarh district, Uttar Pradesh: Sarai Nahar Rai, Mahadaha and Damdama, excavated by Allahabad University from the 1970s to the late 1980s (G.R. Sharma and colleagues). Unlike rock-shelter sites, they are open-air settlements on the alluvial plain.
      Artefacts: geometric microliths (lunates, triangles, trapezes) of chert and chalcedony brought from the Vindhyas, bone and antler arrowheads and ornaments, hammer stones, querns and mullers, and many hearths and floors with post-holes suggesting huts; no pottery in the main levels.
      Fauna and subsistence: charred bones of wild cattle, buffalo, deer (chital, sambar, swamp deer), rhinoceros, wild pig, turtles, fish and birds, plus grinding stones suggesting wild grain use; Mahadaha has a butchering area by the lake. This is a broad-spectrum, lake-based economy.
      Human remains: dozens of extended burials in shallow graves inside the settlements, some double and multiple, with bone ornaments and animal bones as grave goods. Studies by Kenneth Kennedy and John Lukacs describe tall, robust, long-headed people with heavy jaws and large teeth, few caries but marked dental wear; some skeletons show injuries.
      Diagram: a map of Pratapgarh district marking the oxbow lakes with Sarai Nahar Rai, Mahadaha and Damdama, and the Vindhyan sites of Chopani Mando and Lekhahia to the south.
      Critical issues: radiocarbon dates vary widely (very early dates for Sarai Nahar Rai are doubted; most place the sites in the early Holocene, about ten to seven thousand years ago); evidence of cultivation is weak, so 'semi-sedentary foragers' is a safer label; stone carried from the Vindhyas shows mobility and exchange; and links to the later Neolithic of Lahuradewa remain unclear.
      The Ganga Mesolithic is nonetheless the richest skeletal record of Holocene foragers in South Asia and shows that settled village life had local roots.
    2. Q6(b) · Religion and Tribes; Tribe and Nation State · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Tribe and Nation State

      Discuss the impact of democratic institutions on the tribal populations of India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारत की जनजातीय आबादी पर लोकतांत्रिक संस्थाओं के प्रभाव की चर्चा कीजिए ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(b)
      Approach: Discuss how elections, reserved seats, panchayats under PESA and Sixth Schedule councils have affected tribal leadership, traditional institutions, women and identity politics, with both positive and negative effects and examples.
      Democratic institutions, meaning universal franchise, reserved seats (47 in the Lok Sabha), panchayats (with PESA, 1996, in Fifth Schedule areas) and Sixth Schedule district councils, brought tribes into the Indian nation state as citizens with political power.
      New leadership: elections created a class of tribal legislators, ministers and parties such as the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha and the National People's Party; Droupadi Murmu became India's first tribal President in 2022.
      Traditional versus elected authority: hereditary institutions such as the Santal manjhi-parganait, the Munda manki-munda, Khasi dorbars and Naga village councils compete with elected panchayats; F.G. Bailey (Tribe, Caste and Nation, 1960) showed among the Konds how new political links cut across old structures.
      Self-rule and assertion: PESA gram sabhas gained powers over land, forest produce and plans; in Niyamgiri (2013) Dongria Kondh gram sabhas rejected mining, and the Pathalgadi movement (2017 to 2018) used PESA to assert village autonomy.
      Women: reservation in panchayats brought tribal women into public office, but customary bodies resisted; Nagaland's women's reservation in urban local bodies provoked protests in 2017 before elections were held with it in 2024.
      Problems: factionalism, money and party politics, capture by a tribal elite, and slow devolution of power by states.
      Democratic institutions have thus empowered and integrated tribes, while transforming their traditional political systems; harmonising customary and elected bodies is the remaining task.
    3. Q6(c) · Tribal Situation and Problems in India · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Problems of Tribal Communities

      Write an account on the prevalence of sickle cell disease among the tribal populations of India. What are the initiatives undertaken by the affected states to tackle with this disease ?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारत की जनजातीय आबादी में सिकल सेल रोग की व्यापकता पर एक लेख लिखिए । इस रोग से निपटने के लिए प्रभावित राज्यों द्वारा कौन सी पहलें की गई हैं ?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(c)
      Approach: Explain the disease and why it is common among tribes (balanced polymorphism with malaria, endogamy), describe its distribution and burden, then list state initiatives and the national mission, and close with gaps.
      Sickle cell disease is an inherited blood disorder caused by a point mutation in the beta-globin gene that produces haemoglobin S; people with two copies (HbSS) suffer anaemia, painful crises, infections and early death, while carriers (HbAS) are largely healthy.
      Prevalence: the gene is concentrated in the tribal belts of central, western and southern India, among communities in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Gujarat and the Nilgiris. Its high frequency is a case of balanced polymorphism: carriers resist falciparum malaria, long endemic in these forest areas, and endogamy in small groups keeps the frequency high.
      State initiatives: Gujarat began a sickle cell control programme in its tribal districts in 2006, with screening, counselling and treatment; Maharashtra runs screening and care centres in tribal districts; Chhattisgarh set up the Sickle Cell Institute at Raipur for diagnosis and research; and Madhya Pradesh ran a screening pilot in Jhabua and Alirajpur before the national launch.
      National mission: the National Sickle Cell Anaemia Elimination Mission was launched at Shahdol, Madhya Pradesh, on 1 July 2023, aiming to screen about 7 crore people aged up to 40 in 17 states, issue genetic status cards, provide hydroxyurea and counselling, and eliminate the disease as a public health problem by 2047.
      Gaps remain in newborn screening, specialist care and acceptance of premarital counselling; success needs community-based, culturally sensitive outreach through tribal health workers.

    Question 7 (50 marks)

    1. Q7(a) · Anthropology in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Scholar-Administrators and the Beginnings of Indian Anthropology

      Assess the contribution of colonial scholars in studying the tribal populations of North-East India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      उत्तर-पूर्वी भारत की जनजातीय आबादी के अध्ययन में औपनिवेशिक विद्वानों के योगदान का मूल्यांकन कीजिए ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(a)
      Approach: 'Assess' needs both contribution and critique. Group the colonial scholars (early surveyors, the Assam monograph series, Hutton and Mills, later scholar-advisers), state what each added, then evaluate their legacy for anthropology and policy.
      North-East India, with its Naga, Khasi, Garo, Mizo (Lushai), Kuki, Bodo and Meitei peoples, was among the best documented regions of colonial ethnography, because administrators needed knowledge to control a frontier of hill tribes.
      Early accounts: B.H. Hodgson wrote on the Koch, Bodo and Dhimal (1847), and E.T. Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (1872) covered several hill tribes of Assam. Rev. Sidney Endle's The Kacharis (1911) described the Bodo.
      The Assam monograph series: sponsored by the Assam administration, it produced P.R.T. Gurdon's The Khasis (1907), T.C. Hodson's The Meitheis (1908) and The Naga Tribes of Manipur (1911), A. Playfair's The Garos (1909) and J. Shakespear's The Lushei Kuki Clans (1912). These recorded matriliny among the Khasi and Garo, clan organisation, chieftainship, feasts of merit and head-hunting.
      Hutton and Mills: J.H. Hutton's The Angami Nagas and The Sema Nagas (1921) and J.P. Mills's monographs on the Lhota (1922), Ao (1926) and Rengma (1937) Nagas were detailed, long-term studies by district officers with good command of local languages. Hutton later argued in the 1931 Census for protecting tribes from outsiders.
      Later scholars: C. von Fürer-Haimendorf's The Naked Nagas (1939) on the Konyak, and his later Apatani work, and Verrier Elwin's A Philosophy for NEFA (1957) linked ethnography to tribal policy.
      Assessment: these works remain the baseline record of customs that have since changed, and they shaped protective measures such as the Inner Line (1873), the excluded areas of the 1935 Act and, indirectly, the Sixth Schedule. But they were written to serve rule, used evolutionist labels such as 'primitive' and 'savage', froze fluid identities into fixed tribes, and largely ignored the impact of colonialism and missions.
      They remain valuable if read critically, alongside North-Eastern scholars' own work.
    2. Q7(b) · Caste System and Religions in Indian Society · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Sacred Complex, Nature-Man-Spirit Complex and the Impact of Religions

      Does caste as a social category exist among the non-Hindu communities in India ? Illustrate your answer with suitable examples.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      क्या भारत में गैर-हिंदू समुदायों के बीच एक सामाजिक श्रेणी के रूप में जाति का अस्तित्व है ? अपने उत्तर को उपयुक्त उदाहरणों सहित स्पष्ट कीजिए ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(b)
      Approach: Answer 'yes, in modified form': define caste's core traits, then show caste-like divisions among Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains with ethnographers, and note how they differ from Hindu caste.
      Caste, marked by endogamy, hereditary occupation and hierarchy, has spread beyond Hinduism. Although Islam, Christianity, Sikhism and Buddhism preach equality, converts largely carried their caste into the new faith.
      Muslims: Ghaus Ansari (1960) and Imtiaz Ahmad (1973) described the Ashraf (claiming foreign descent: Syed, Sheikh, Mughal, Pathan), the Ajlaf (converted artisan groups such as Julaha weavers) and the Arzal (groups with stigmatised occupations). These groups are largely endogamous, and the Pasmanda movement mobilises the backward and Dalit Muslims.
      Christians: in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, Dalit Christians have faced separate seating, cemeteries and processions, while Syrian Christians kept high status and rarely married converts from Pulaya or Paraiyar backgrounds.
      Sikhs and Buddhists: Jat Sikhs dominate rural Punjab, while Mazhabi and Ramdasia Sikhs face exclusion and have built separate gurdwaras and Ravidassia deras. Neo-Buddhists are mostly of Mahar origin and remain a distinct community. Jains have endogamous groups such as Oswal and Porwal.
      These divisions lack the full scriptural sanction of purity found in Hinduism, which is why Dumont called them caste-like. Yet endogamy and rank are real, as the Ranganath Misra Commission (2007) recognised.
      Caste thus exists as a social category among non-Hindus, showing that it is rooted in Indian social structure and not only in Hindu religion.
    3. Q7(c) · Tribal Administration and Applied Anthropology · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Tribal Administration, Policies and PVTGs

      Write an account on Development Action Plan for Scheduled Tribes (DAPST).

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      अनुसूचित जनजातियों के लिए विकास कार्य योजना (DAPST) पर एक विवरण दीजिए ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(c)
      Approach: Explain the origin of DAPST from the Tribal Sub-Plan, its mechanism (NITI Aayog guidelines, earmarking by ministries, monitoring), its scale, and a critical assessment with suggestions.
      The Development Action Plan for Scheduled Tribes (DAPST) is the present form of the Tribal Sub-Plan, introduced in the Fifth Five-Year Plan (1974 to 1975) to earmark development funds for STs at least in proportion to their population. After the Plan and non-Plan distinction ended, the TSP was renamed DAPST from 2017 to 2018.
      Mechanism: under NITI Aayog's 2017 guidelines, 41 central ministries and departments (42 in recent counts) are obliged to earmark between about 4.3% and 17.5% of their scheme budgets for STs, through a separate Scheduled Tribe Component; the Ministry of Tribal Affairs monitors spending through an online portal.
      Scale: DAPST allocations rose from about 24,600 crore rupees in 2014 to 2015 to about 1.23 lakh crore rupees in 2024 to 2025, according to the government.
      Strengths: it makes every ministry responsible for tribal development, funds roads, schools, health and housing in tribal areas.
      Weaknesses: allocations below the norm and often 'notional', counting general schemes whose benefits do not reach tribal areas; under-spending and diversion; no statutory backing; and weak gram sabha role and outcome data, as the Xaxa Committee (2014) noted.
      Suggestions: a law on the model of Telangana's SC and ST special development fund law, non-lapsable funds, village-level planning under PESA, and outcome audits.
      DAPST can deliver real equity only if its numbers translate into benefits in tribal habitations.

    Question 8 (50 marks)

    1. Q8(a) · Caste System and Religions in Indian Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Dominant Caste, Caste Mobility, Jajmani System and the Tribe–Caste Continuum

      Make a critical appraisal of Surajit Sinha's line of argument that tribes and castes may not be isolated social categories, but are a part of the great Indian civilization.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      सुरजीत सिन्हा के इस तर्क का आलोचनात्मक मूल्यांकन करें कि जनजातियाँ और जातियाँ अलग सामाजिक श्रेणियाँ नहीं हैं, बल्कि वे वृहत्तर भारतीय सभ्यता का ही एक अंग हैं ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(a)
      Approach: State Sinha's argument and its sources (Bhumij studies, tribe-caste and tribe-peasant continua, tribes as part of the little tradition), assess its strengths, then present the criticisms (Xaxa, Beteille, indigenous-identity view) before a balanced conclusion.
      Surajit Sinha (1926–2002), a director of the Anthropological Survey of India, argued that Indian tribes are not isolated 'primitive' units but have long interacted with castes, peasants and states and form part of Indian civilisation.
      The argument: in his 1958 essay on tribal cultures of peninsular India he treated tribal cultures as a dimension of the little tradition within Indian civilisation. His studies of the Bhumij of Manbhum ('State Formation and Rajput Myth in Tribal Central India', 1962) showed Bhumij chiefs adopting Rajput genealogies, Brahmin priests and Hindu rites, while ordinary Bhumij moved toward peasant caste status. In 1965 he described tribe-caste and tribe-peasant continua in central India.
      Supporting evidence: N.K. Bose's 'Hindu method of tribal absorption' among the Juang (1941), F.G. Bailey's land-access criterion (1961), and the Gond rajas of Garha-Mandla and Chanda, who claimed Rajput status, point the same way.
      Strengths: the argument replaced the colonial image of tribes as timeless isolates with a historical view, explains why the line between tribe and caste is blurred in middle India, and exposes the weakness of fixed criteria such as the Lokur Committee's (1965).
      Criticisms: Virginius Xaxa (1999) argued that tribes are distinct societies whose identity cannot be reduced to stages on the way to caste, and that the continuum view takes Hindu society as the end-point. It fits central India better than the north-east, where Nagas, Mizos and Khasis did not move toward caste. André Beteille noted that tribe and caste are different types of society, and movement does not erase this.
      Sinha rightly placed tribes and castes in one civilisational field, but the continuum is not one-directional: absorption, resistance and assertion of a distinct identity, as in the Sarna code demand, occur together.
    2. Q8(b) · Tribal Situation and Problems in India · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Problems of Tribal Communities

      What are the major challenges tribal communities are facing in contemporary India ?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      समकालीन भारत में जनजातीय समुदायों को किन प्रमुख चुनौतियों का सामना करना पड़ रहा है ?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(b)
      Approach: Group the major challenges (land and displacement, poverty and livelihoods, education, health and nutrition, identity and culture, governance and conflict), give data and cases for each, and suggest a way forward.
      India's 10.43 crore Scheduled Tribes (Census 2011) remain among its most deprived groups; the Xaxa Committee (2014) identified land, displacement, education, health and weak implementation of protective laws as core issues.
      Land and displacement: land alienation despite tenancy laws, and displacement by dams, mines and industry, which affected tribals far beyond their population share (Walter Fernandes); recent concerns include the Great Nicobar project and the 2023 amendment to forest conservation law.
      Poverty and livelihoods: 45.3% of rural STs were poor in 2011–12, against 25.7% overall; many have shifted from cultivators to agricultural labourers and seasonal migrants, and access to forest produce is restricted.
      Education and health: ST literacy was 58.96% in 2011, with high dropout and a language barrier in school; 40.9% of ST children under five were stunted (NFHS-5), and sickle cell disease, malaria and anaemia are widespread.
      Identity and governance: erosion of languages and customs, debates over religion and conversion, weak implementation of PESA and FRA, Left-Wing Extremism and counter-insurgency in central India, and ethnic conflict in the north-east, as in Manipur since 2023.
      A way forward lies in enforcing PESA and FRA, mother-tongue education, tribal health systems, and schemes such as PM-JANMAN (2023) and the Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan (2024), planned with gram sabhas.
    3. Q8(c) · Weaker Sections, Ethnicity and Tribal Change · 15 marks≈ 11 min

      Exploitation of SCs, STs and OBCs and Constitutional Safeguards

      What are the provisions given in the Constitution of India for the safeguard of the Scheduled Caste populations ?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारत के संविधान में अनुसूचित जाति की आबादी की सुरक्षा के लिए क्या प्रावधान दिए गए हैं ?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(c)
      Approach: The question asks for the constitutional provisions for Scheduled Castes; classify them as social, educational, economic, political, service and institutional safeguards with article numbers, and end with a short note on implementation.
      Scheduled Castes are castes notified by the President under Article 341 (defined in Article 366(24)) because of the historical stigma of untouchability. The Constitution combines prohibition of discrimination with protective discrimination.
      Social safeguards: Article 17 abolishes untouchability and makes its practice an offence; Article 15(2) bars exclusion from public places; Article 23 prohibits forced labour; Article 25(2)(b) allows laws throwing open Hindu temples to all classes.
      Educational and economic safeguards: Article 15(4) (First Amendment, 1951) and 15(5) (93rd Amendment, 2005) permit reservation in education; Article 46 directs the state to promote their educational and economic interests and protect them from social injustice and exploitation.
      Political and service safeguards: Articles 330 and 332 reserve seats in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies, Article 334 extends this until 2030 (104th Amendment, 2019) and Articles 243D and 243T cover local bodies; Article 16(4), 16(4A) (promotion, 1995), 16(4B) (carry-forward, 2000) and Article 335 cover public employment, with 15% central reservation.
      Institutional safeguards: the National Commission for Scheduled Castes under Article 338 monitors safeguards. Laws such as the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955 and the Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989 back them.
      These provisions have created a Dalit middle class and political leadership, but continuing atrocities (about 57,800 cases in NCRB's 2023 data) show that legal safeguards must be matched by social change and economic empowerment.