UPSC Mains 2023 Anthropology Optional Question Papers with Model Answers
All 56 questions of the 2023 Civil Services Main Examination, Anthropology Paper I and Anthropology Paper II, with marks and a suggested time per part. Solve each part on paper first, then open the model answer, or send it to answer-writing practice for evaluation.
UPSC Mains 2023 Anthropology Paper I
Question 1 (50 marks)
Q1(a) · Foundations of Anthropology · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Main Branches of Anthropology
Scope and relevance of Social and Cultural Anthropology
हिंदी में प्रश्न
सामाजिक तथा सांस्कृतिक मानवविज्ञान का विस्तार एवं प्रासंगिकता
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(a)
Approach: A short note: define social-cultural anthropology (British and American emphases), outline its scope with classic and Indian ethnographies, and state its relevance today.
Social-cultural anthropology studies human societies and cultures, their institutions, beliefs and change. British social anthropology (Radcliffe-Brown) stressed social structure, while American cultural anthropology (Boas, Kroeber) stressed culture as learned patterns and meanings.
Scope: family, marriage and kinship; economic organisation, as in Malinowski's Trobriand kula (1922); political organisation and social control, as in Evans-Pritchard's Nuer (1940); religion, magic and ritual; culture and personality; and social change. In India, S.C. Roy's The Mundas and Their Country (1912) and Srinivas's Coorg study (1952) are landmarks.
Method: long-term fieldwork, participant observation, genealogies and comparison, with the emic view and cultural relativism.
Relevance: it guides tribal welfare, PESA (1996) and Forest Rights Act (2006) implementation, rehabilitation of displaced people, public health communication and the study of caste, migration, gender and digital communities.
It is thus the core of the discipline, linking understanding of human diversity with practical policy.Q1(b) · Prehistoric Archaeology · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Bronze Age and Iron Age
Cultural impact of Iron Age
हिंदी में प्रश्न
लौह-युग का सांस्कृतिक प्रभाव
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(b)
Approach: A short note on how iron spread and its impact on agriculture, crafts, warfare, settlement and polity, with Indian evidence and the debate on its role.
The Iron Age began when iron smelting, known in Anatolia in the second millennium BCE, spread widely after about 1200 BCE. Because iron ore is common, iron tools reached ordinary farmers.
In India early iron appears in the late second millennium BCE at sites such as Atranjikhera, Malhar and Hallur, with the Painted Grey Ware culture of the upper Ganga plain and the megaliths of the south.
Impact: iron axes and ploughshares helped clear forests and extend farming in the middle Ganga plain; surplus supported the second urbanisation of the NBPW phase, the mahajanapadas, punch-marked coins and specialist crafts; iron weapons changed warfare; in the south, megalith builders used iron tools and horse equipment.
D.D. Kosambi and R.S. Sharma linked iron to state formation, but others argue its role in forest clearance has been overstated.
Iron smelting by the Agaria and Asur shows the technology surviving in tribal India.Q1(c) · Population Genetics, Race and Human Variation · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Race and Racism
Race and Ethnicity
हिंदी में प्रश्न
नस्ल तथा नृजातीयता
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(c)
Approach: Define race and ethnicity, contrast them on basis, boundaries and change, with Indian and world examples, and conclude on current usage.
Race traditionally meant a division of humankind sharing inherited physical traits such as skin colour, hair form and head shape, as in the schemes of Linnaeus, Blumenbach and, for India, Risley and B.S. Guha (1931). Ethnicity refers to a group’s shared cultural identity, based on common descent claims, language, religion, customs and history.
Differences: race was claimed to be biological and fixed, ethnicity is cultural and learnt; racial boundaries were drawn by outside observers, ethnic boundaries are maintained by members themselves, as Fredrik Barth (Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, 1969) showed; ethnicity changes and can be mobilised politically.
Examples: the Naga, Bodo, Santal and Tamil are ethnic groups, whereas Guha classed Indians into races such as Proto-Australoid and Mongoloid.
Since the UNESCO statements on race (1950 onwards), and Ashley Montagu’s suggestion to replace race with ethnic group, anthropologists treat race as a social construct, while ethnicity remains a central analytical concept.Q1(d) · Political Organisation and Social Control · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Social Control, Law and Justice in Simple Societies
Customary laws and Environmental conservation
हिंदी में प्रश्न
प्रथागत कानून एवं पर्यावरणीय संरक्षण
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(d)
Approach: A short note: define customary law, show with Indian examples how its rules and sanctions conserve forests, water and wildlife, and add its legal recognition and present weaknesses.
Customary law is the body of unwritten norms, enforced by community councils and supernatural sanctions, that governs tribal life, including the use of land, forest, water and animals.
Sacred groves: the sarna of the Munda and Oraon, the Santal jaher than and the Khasi law kyntang forests such as Mawphlang may not be felled, because deities dwell there; Madhav Gadgil documented such groves as refuges of biodiversity.
Taboos and totems: clan members avoid harming their totem, as in Oraon clans such as Ekka (tortoise), and many tribes forbid hunting in breeding seasons.
Commons rules: Khasi village councils (dorbar shnong) and Naga village councils regulate felling and jhum cycles, and the Dongria Kondh protect the Niyamgiri hills as the seat of Niyam Raja.
Legal recognition: the Forest Rights Act, 2006 grants community forest resource rights, among the first won by the Gond village of Mendha-Lekha (2009), alongside PESA (1996) and the Biological Diversity Act (2002).
Markets and state forestry have weakened these customs, so community-based conservation should build on them.Q1(e) · The Biological Basis of Life · 10 marks≈ 7 min
The Cell, DNA and Protein Synthesis
Gene expression
हिंदी में प्रश्न
जीन प्रकटन
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(e)
Approach: A short note: define gene expression, explain its two steps (transcription and translation) and its regulation, with an example and its anthropological relevance.
Gene expression is the process by which the information in a gene is used to make a functional product, usually a protein, following the central dogma stated by Francis Crick (1958): DNA to RNA to protein.
Transcription: in the nucleus, RNA polymerase copies one strand of DNA into messenger RNA; non-coding introns are spliced out and the exons joined. Translation: on ribosomes in the cytoplasm, each three-base codon of the mRNA is read and transfer RNAs bring the matching amino acids, which are linked into a polypeptide.
Regulation: every cell has the same genes, but only some are switched on, through promoters, enhancers and transcription factors, the lac operon model of Jacob and Monod (1961) in bacteria, and epigenetic marks such as DNA methylation.
Examples: lactase is normally switched off after weaning, but in lactase-persistent populations a regulatory variant keeps it on in adults; foetal haemoglobin is replaced by adult haemoglobin after birth.
Changes in regulation, not only in genes, help explain human-chimpanzee differences and gene-environment interaction.
Question 2 (50 marks)
Q2(a) · Fossil Hominids · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Australopithecines and Plio-Pleistocene Hominids
Discuss major species of Australopithecus discovered from South and East Africa. Describe the discovery, physical features and significance of Taung baby.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
दक्षिण तथा पूर्वी अफ्रीका से खोजी गई प्रमुख ऑस्ट्रेलोपिथिकस प्रजातियों की विवेचना कीजिए । टाउन्ग शिशु की खोज, शारीरिक लक्षण एवं महत्त्व का वर्णन कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(a)
Approach: Two parts: the main Australopithecus species of South and East Africa (a regional survey with sites and dates), then the Taung child's discovery, features and significance; add a distribution map.
Australopithecus (southern ape) comprises bipedal, small-brained African hominins of about 4.2 to 2 million years ago, with an ape-like skull but a human-like pelvis and legs.
East Africa: A. anamensis (Kanapoi, Kenya, Meave Leakey's team, 1995, about 4.2 to 3.8 million years); A. afarensis, with Lucy (AL 288-1, Hadar, Ethiopia, Johanson and Gray, 1974, about 3.2 million years), the First Family and the Laetoli footprints (about 3.66 million years); and A. garhi (Bouri, Ethiopia, 1999, about 2.5 million years).
South Africa: A. africanus from Taung, Sterkfontein (Mrs Ples, found by Robert Broom in 1947) and Makapansgat, about 3 to 2 million years; A. sediba from Malapa (Lee Berger's team, 2008, about 1.98 million years), mixing Australopithecus and Homo traits.
Diagram: outline map of Africa marking Hadar, Laetoli, Kanapoi and Koro Toro (Chad, A. bahrelghazali) in the east and centre, and Taung, Sterkfontein, Makapansgat and Malapa in the south.
Taung baby, discovery: in 1924 quarrymen at the Buxton limeworks near Taung found a fossil skull that reached Raymond Dart of the University of the Witwatersrand; he named Australopithecus africanus in Nature in February 1925.
Features: a child of about three years with milk teeth and erupting first permanent molars; a natural endocast of about 400 cc; a forward foramen magnum showing upright posture; small canines, no simian shelf and a less projecting face; about 2.8 to 2.5 million years (uncertain); eye-socket damage suggests an eagle killed it (Berger and McGraw, 2006).
Significance: the first australopith found, it supported Darwin's view (1871) of an African origin and showed that bipedalism preceded brain enlargement; Arthur Keith and others rejected it, partly because the Piltdown forgery suggested the opposite, but Broom's adult finds and the exposure of Piltdown in 1953 vindicated Dart.
These species show a bushy African radiation from which Homo and Paranthropus later branched.Q2(b) · Prehistoric Archaeology · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Cultures
Discuss the Paleolithic environment in light of available evidences with special reference to India.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत के विशेष संदर्भ में उपलब्ध साक्ष्यों के आलोक में पुरापाषाण पर्यावरण की विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(b)
Approach: Explain how Palaeolithic environments are reconstructed (sediments, fauna, pollen, tephra, dunes), then apply this to India phase by phase, and conclude on the link between climate and human occupation.
The Palaeolithic coincides with the Pleistocene (about 2.6 million to 11,700 years ago), when glacial and interglacial phases alternated; in the tropics these appear mainly as shifts in rainfall and the monsoon rather than ice.
Kinds of evidence: river and lake sediments (gravels indicate high-energy flow, silts calmer conditions), fossil soils, animal fossils, pollen, volcanic ash, sand dunes and deep-sea oxygen isotopes.
Himalaya: De Terra and Paterson (1935) recognised glacial deposits in Kashmir and correlated them with terraces of the Soan valley.
Peninsular rivers: the Narmada alluvium at Hathnora holds fauna such as the straight-tusked elephant, hippopotamus, wild cattle and horse, indicating open grassland with abundant water. Didwana (Rajasthan) shows Acheulian occupation on lake margins in a wetter phase, followed by dune building.
Volcanic ash: the Toba eruption of about 74,000 years ago spread ash across India; at Jwalapuram (Andhra Pradesh), tools below and above the ash suggest that people survived it (Michael Petraglia and team, 2007), though its severity is debated.
Late Pleistocene: ostrich eggshell at Patne, Bhimbetka and Son valley sites shows semi-arid open grassland, and the Last Glacial Maximum (about 20,000 years ago) brought aridity and active dunes in the Thar.
The older pluvial–interpluvial scheme (F.E. Zeuner) is now abandoned; monsoon fluctuations instead shaped where water, game and stone were available, and hence where people lived.Q2(c) · Ecological Anthropology, Epidemiology and Human Growth · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Epidemiological Anthropology
Elucidate the different forms of malnutrition. Describe protein-calorie malnutrition with suitable examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
विभिन्न प्रकार के कुपोषण को स्पष्ट कीजिए । उपयुक्त उदाहरणों सहित प्रोटीन-कैलोरी कुपोषण का विवरण प्रस्तुत कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(c)
Approach: Classify the forms of malnutrition (undernutrition, micronutrient deficiency, overnutrition, double burden), then describe protein-energy malnutrition (kwashiorkor, marasmus, marasmic kwashiorkor) with causes, features and Indian and world examples.
Malnutrition means deficiencies, excesses or imbalances in a person’s intake of energy and nutrients. WHO groups it into three broad forms.
Forms: (i) undernutrition: wasting (low weight-for-height), stunting (low height-for-age) and underweight; (ii) micronutrient deficiencies: iron-deficiency anaemia, iodine deficiency causing goitre, vitamin A deficiency causing night blindness, and zinc deficiency; (iii) overnutrition: overweight, obesity and diet-related NCDs. Many Indian households now face the double burden, with stunted children and overweight adults.
Protein-energy malnutrition (PEM): (i) kwashiorkor, described by Cicely Williams in the Gold Coast (Ghana) in the 1930s, a Ga word for the illness of a child displaced from the breast by a new baby; it occurs when a weaned child gets starchy, protein-poor food, causing oedema, a moon face, flaky-paint skin lesions, discoloured, sparse hair (the flag sign), fatty liver and apathy; (ii) marasmus, severe deficiency of both energy and protein, usually in infants, causing extreme wasting, an old-man face and no oedema; (iii) marasmic kwashiorkor combines both.
Examples: famines in Ethiopia and the Sahel; in India, child deaths among the Korku of Melghat and in tribal districts of Jharkhand and Odisha. Infection, poverty, poor weaning practices and food insecurity interact.
Responses include ICDS (1975), Nutrition Rehabilitation Centres, POSHAN Abhiyaan (2018) and community management of acute malnutrition.
Question 3 (50 marks)
Q3(a) · Human Evolution: Theories and Concepts · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Biological and Cultural Factors in Human Evolution
What is hominization process ? Discuss the major trends in human evolution with the help of suitable examples and illustrations.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
मानवीकरण प्रक्रिया क्या होती है ? उपयुक्त उदाहरणों एवं चित्रों की सहायता से मानव उद्विकास की प्रमुख प्रवृत्तियों की विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(a)
Approach: Define hominisation, then discuss the major trends (bipedalism, encephalisation, dental and facial reduction, hand, life history, culture) with fossil examples, and illustrate with a brain-size graph or pelvis sketch.
Hominisation is the process by which the human lineage, after splitting from the chimpanzee lineage about 7 to 6 million years ago, acquired its distinctive traits: habitual bipedalism, a large brain, a reduced face and teeth, language and dependence on culture. These traits appeared gradually and at different times, a mosaic pattern.
Bipedalism: the earliest trend, seen in the forward foramen magnum of Sahelanthropus, the femur of Orrorin (about 6 million years), Lucy's pelvis (Australopithecus afarensis, about 3.2 million years) and the Laetoli footprints. It brought an S-shaped spine, a short broad pelvis, a valgus knee and an arched foot.
Encephalisation: cranial capacity rose from about 450 cc (Australopithecus) to about 600 cc (Homo habilis), 750 to 1,250 cc (Homo erectus) and about 1,350 cc in Homo sapiens, with expansion of the frontal and parietal lobes.
Dental and facial reduction: canines shrank and the diastema disappeared, the dental arcade became parabolic, and the face, jaw and brow ridges reduced, producing a chin and a vertical forehead in Homo sapiens.
Hand and tools: a long, fully opposable thumb gave the precision grip, linked with tools from the Oldowan (about 2.6 million years) to Acheulian, Levallois and blade industries.
Life history and culture: long childhood, helpless infants and a long post-reproductive life (the grandmother hypothesis of Kristen Hawkes); fire, cooking, symbolic art (Blombos Cave) and language completed the process.
Diagram: a graph with time (4 million years to present) on the horizontal axis and cranial capacity on the vertical axis, plotting about 450 cc for Australopithecus, 600 for H. habilis, 900 to 1,000 for H. erectus and 1,350 for H. sapiens; beside it a tall narrow ape ilium next to a short broad human ilium.
These trends show that hominisation was gradual and biocultural, with bipedalism first and brain expansion and culture later, each reinforcing the others.Q3(b) · Religion · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion
How did Clifford Geertz look at religion ? Differentiate between anthropological and psychological approaches to the study of religion.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्लिफर्ड गीर्ट्ज़ ने धर्म को किस तरह देखा ? धर्म के अध्ययन में मानवशास्त्रीय तथा मनोवैज्ञानिक दृष्टिकोणों में अन्तर स्पष्ट कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(b)
Approach: Two parts: Geertz's interpretive view of religion (definition, thick description, Java study, critique); then distinguish anthropological and psychological approaches on unit, focus, method and scholars.
Geertz's view: in 'Religion as a cultural system' (1966) Clifford Geertz defined religion, in short, as a system of symbols that establishes powerful and long-lasting moods and motivations by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and clothing them with an aura of factuality, so that they seem uniquely realistic.
For Geertz religion is a model of reality and a model for action, giving meaning to suffering, evil and bafflement. It must be studied by thick description, interpreting symbols from the actors' point of view. In The Religion of Java (1960) he described abangan (village ritual), santri (orthodox Islam) and priyayi (Hindu-Javanese aristocratic) variants;
Talal Asad (1983) criticised him for treating religion as a universal, private system of meaning and ignoring power and discipline.
Anthropological approaches treat religion as a social and cultural fact: Durkheim saw it as uniting a moral community, Radcliffe-Brown as expressing social sentiments, Lévi-Strauss as structured thought, and Geertz as shared meaning. They use fieldwork and comparison and study groups, rituals and symbols.
Psychological approaches locate religion in the individual mind: Freud in the Oedipus complex and wish fulfilment (Totem and Taboo, 1913), Jung in archetypes and Marett and Otto in awe of the numinous.
The two are complementary: psychology explains why individuals need religion, anthropology why religions take the social forms they do.Q3(c) · Ecological Anthropology, Epidemiology and Human Growth · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Human Growth, Development and Ageing
What is mixed-longitudinal method of studying human growth ? Discuss its merits and demerits.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
मानव वृद्धि के अध्ययन में मिश्रित-अनुदैर्ध्य प्रविधि क्या होती है ? इसके गुण एवं दोषों की विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(c)
Approach: Define the mixed-longitudinal method in relation to cross-sectional and longitudinal designs, explain its design with an example and a diagram, then list merits and demerits.
Human growth is studied by three designs: cross-sectional (different children measured once at each age), longitudinal (the same children measured repeatedly over years) and the mixed-longitudinal method, which combines the two. It was advocated by growth researchers such as J.M. Tanner to obtain longitudinal information in a shorter time.
Design: several cohorts of different starting ages are each followed for a limited period, so that their age ranges overlap and together cover the full span. For example, children aged 5, 8 and 11 are each measured every six months for three years; the study then covers ages 5 to 14 in only three years.
Merits: (i) it yields growth velocity and individual curves like a longitudinal study, but in a fraction of the time; (ii) it reduces cost and subject loss; (iii) the overlapping ages allow checks for cohort and secular effects; (iv) it suits field studies where long follow-up is impractical, as in tribal or rural areas.
Demerits: (i) analysis is statistically complex, since each child contributes different numbers of observations; (ii) linking segments assumes cohorts are comparable, which secular trends or migration may violate; (iii) individual curves cover only part of growth, so the timing of events such as peak height velocity may be missed for some children; (iv) it still needs repeated, standardised measurement.
Diagram: a chart with age on the x-axis and three overlapping horizontal bars for the cohorts starting at 5, 8 and 11 years.
Question 4 (50 marks)
Q4(a) · Marriage · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Marriage Regulations and Marriage Payments
Discuss the role of marriage regulations in traditional societies in India for strengthening social solidarity.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में परम्परागत समाजों की सामाजिक एकजुटता को सुदृढ़ बनाने हेतु विवाह अधिनियमों की भूमिका की विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(a)
Approach: Discuss each regulation (endogamy, exogamy, preferential unions, levirate and sororate, hypergamy) and show how it builds solidarity within and between groups in Indian tribes and castes, then note its costs; draw the concentric rings of marriage rules.
Marriage regulations are rules that forbid, prefer or prescribe certain spouses. Following Lévi-Strauss, they turn marriage into an exchange between groups, and in traditional India they build solidarity both within and between groups.
Endogamy of caste, sub-caste and tribe (Santal, Gond, the endogamous Toda divisions Tartharol and Teivaliol) keeps boundaries, culture and property within the group, a solidarity of likeness in Durkheim's sense.
Exogamy of clan, gotra, sapinda and village forces marriage outwards. The Munda and Ho killi, the Santal paris and Oraon totemic clans (S.C. Roy) ensure that every marriage links two clans, so affinal ties bind villages; in north India village exogamy spreads kin networks across a region (Karve, 1953).
Preferential rules renew existing ties: Gond marriage with the father's sister's daughter (dudh lautawa), cross-cousin and elder sister's daughter marriage in Dravidian south India, and sister exchange in central India.
Levirate and sororate, common among the Santal, Ho, Munda and Oraon and as karewa in Haryana, keep the widow, children and bride price within the lineage and preserve the alliance after a death.
Hypergamy linked ranked groups such as Rajput clans and the Nambudiri-Nayar sambandham, and bride price and gift exchange create reciprocal obligations.
Diagram: concentric rings: nuclear family (incest taboo) inside clan or gotra (exogamy) inside tribe or caste (endogamy), with arrows of marriage crossing clan boundaries within the tribe ring.
Solidarity has costs: hypergamy fed dowry and female infanticide, caste endogamy perpetuates exclusion, and caste councils enforcing gotra rules have attacked couples. Law, education and urban mobility are loosening these rules, so marriage regulations built a segmented but integrated order whose solidarity is now being renegotiated.Q4(b) · Reproductive Biology, Demography and Applied Anthropology · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Applications of Anthropology
Discuss various methods of personal identification based on skeletal remains.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
कंकालीय अवशेषों पर आधारित व्यक्तिगत शिनाख्त की विभिन्न प्रविधियों की विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(b)
Approach: Describe how sex, age, stature, ancestry and individual features are identified from the skeleton, naming the bones and methods with their authors; a pelvis diagram helps.
Personal identification from skeletal remains builds a biological profile, the 'big four' of sex, age, stature and ancestry, and then seeks individualising features that match a specific person.
Sex: the pelvis is most reliable; females have a wider subpubic angle, broad greater sciatic notch, preauricular sulcus and the ventral arc described by Phenice (1969); the skull of males has larger mastoids, brow ridges and a square chin. Krogman estimated accuracy of about 95 percent from the pelvis and 90 percent from the skull.
Age: in the young, tooth formation and eruption and epiphyseal fusion; in adults, pubic symphysis changes (T. Wingate Todd's ten phases, 1920; Suchey-Brooks six phases, 1990), auricular surface, sternal rib ends and cranial suture closure; Gustafson's dental method (1950).
Stature: regression formulae on long bones, Karl Pearson (1899) and Trotter and Gleser (1952), with Indian formulae such as Pan's (1924); the femur gives the best estimate. Ancestry: cranial and dental traits analysed with metric programs, given cautiously since human variation is clinal. Individualising features: healed fractures, dental restorations, surgical implants with serial numbers, and DNA from bone or teeth; skull-photo superimposition can confirm identity.
Diagram: male and female pelvis outlines side by side, labelling the subpubic angle (narrow V versus wide U) and the sciatic notch.
Since most standards come from Western samples, Indian population-specific formulae improve accuracy.Q4(c) · Prehistoric Archaeology · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Cultures
Identify the major Mesolithic sites and describe the typo-technological features with special reference to India.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत के विशेष संदर्भ में प्रमुख मध्यपाषाणकालीन स्थलों की पहचान कीजिए तथा इनके प्ररूप-प्रौद्योगिकीय लक्षणों का विवरण प्रस्तुत कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(c)
Approach: Describe Mesolithic typo-technology (microliths, techniques, composite tools), then identify major Indian sites region by region with their features; sketch microliths and mark sites on a map.
The Mesolithic is the stone age of Holocene hunter-gatherers, whose hallmark is the microlith, a tiny blade tool usually less than about 5 cm long, set in wood or bone handles.
Typo-technology: small blades were struck from prepared cores of fine-grained chert, chalcedony, agate and quartz, and blunted along one edge (backing). They were shaped into non-geometric forms (backed blades, points, scrapers, burins) and geometric forms (lunates, triangles, trapezes); the microburin technique snapped blades to size. Hafted in a row, they made composite tools such as arrows and sickles.
Rajasthan and Gujarat: Bagor on the Kothari river (V.N. Misra) has geometric microliths and, in its earliest phase, bones of sheep and goat; Langhnaj (H.D. Sankalia) has microliths, burials and wild fauna.
Central India and the Vindhyas: Adamgarh (R.V. Joshi), Bhimbetka with painted shelters, and Chopani Mando in the Belan valley, which shows a sequence from non-geometric to geometric microliths and later handmade pottery.
Ganga plain: Sarai Nahar Rai, Mahadaha and Damdama (Pratapgarh) have hut floors, hearths, bone ornaments and burials of tall, robust people. East and south: Birbhanpur (West Bengal, B.B. Lal) with non-geometric microliths, and the coastal teri sites of Tamil Nadu.
Diagram: India map marking Bagor, Langhnaj, Adamgarh, Bhimbetka, Chopani Mando, Sarai Nahar Rai, Mahadaha, Birbhanpur and the teri sites, with sketches of a lunate, triangle and trapeze and an arrow armed with microliths.
Geometric forms generally follow non-geometric ones, but dates vary widely by region. Together the sites show broad-spectrum foraging and growing sedentism on the road to farming.
Question 5 (50 marks)
Q5(a) · Human Genetics: Methods, Inheritance and Chromosomes · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Mendelian Genetics and Patterns of Inheritance in Man
Polygenic Inheritance
हिंदी में प्रश्न
बहुजीनी वंशागति
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(a)
Approach: Define polygenic inheritance, give its classic demonstrations and characteristics, illustrate with human traits, and note environmental influence.
Polygenic inheritance is the control of a trait by several genes at different loci, each contributing a small, additive effect, so that the trait shows continuous rather than discrete variation.
Demonstration: Herman Nilsson-Ehle (1909) showed that kernel colour in wheat was governed by several gene pairs, producing graded shades in a 1:4:6:4:1 ratio for two pairs. Charles Davenport (1913) explained skin colour in crosses between people of African and European descent as the effect of two or more additive gene pairs.
Characteristics: phenotypes form a normal, bell-shaped curve; extremes are rare; offspring tend to fall near the mid-parent value; and the environment modifies expression. It is measured by heritability.
Human examples: stature, skin colour, weight, intelligence, blood pressure and the total ridge count of fingerprints, which has heritability close to 0.9. Combined with environment, polygenic inheritance becomes multifactorial, as in diabetes.Q5(b) · Prehistoric Archaeology · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Bronze Age and Iron Age
Prehistoric significance of Rakhigarhi
हिंदी में प्रश्न
राखीगढ़ी का प्रागैतिहासिक महत्त्व
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(b)
Approach: A short note: location and scale, excavations, cultural sequence, key finds including ancient DNA, and why the site matters.
Rakhigarhi, in Hisar district of Haryana, lies in the Ghaggar basin on an old channel of the Drishadvati (Chautang). With several mounds, it is among the largest Harappan sites in the subcontinent.
It was excavated by Amarendra Nath of the Archaeological Survey of India (1997–2000) and by Vasant Shinde of Deccan College (from 2013). The deposits run from Early Harappan to Mature Harappan levels, showing the local growth of a village into a planned city.
Finds include mud-brick and burnt-brick houses, drains, streets, seals, a bead-making workshop and a cemetery with extended burials and grave goods.
In 2019 a study (Shinde and colleagues, with geneticists including David Reich) published ancient DNA from a woman buried there: her ancestry mixed Iranian-related and South Asian hunter-gatherer lineages, without Steppe or Anatolian-farmer ancestry, suggesting that farming in South Asia was not brought by Anatolian farmers.
Rakhigarhi thus links the Hakra–Ghaggar region's prehistoric past with the Harappan civilisation; it was named one of five iconic archaeological sites in the Union Budget of 2020.Q5(c) · Culture, Communication and Research Methods · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Culture, Language and Communication
Glottochronology
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भाषाकालक्रमविज्ञान
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(c)
Approach: Define glottochronology, explain its assumptions, method and formula, mention applications and criticisms.
Glottochronology, developed by the American linguist Morris Swadesh in the early 1950s, is a method of estimating how long ago two related languages separated from a common ancestor, using the rate at which basic vocabulary is replaced.
Assumptions and method: (i) every language has a core vocabulary (pronouns, body parts, numerals, natural objects) that is resistant to borrowing; Swadesh prepared 200- and 100-word lists; (ii) this core is replaced at a roughly constant rate, about 81 per cent retained per thousand years for the 200-word list; (iii) the percentage of shared cognates between two languages therefore indicates time depth. Time is calculated as t = log C / 2 log r, where C is the proportion of cognates and r the retention rate.
Applications: it has been used to estimate divergence within language families such as Indo-European, Austronesian and Dravidian.
Criticism: retention rates are not constant (Icelandic changed little), borrowing and taboo replacement distort counts, and cognate judgement is subjective.Q5(d) · Reproductive Biology, Demography and Applied Anthropology · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Menarche, Menopause and Fertility Patterns
Menopausal symptoms
हिंदी में प्रश्न
रजोनिवृत्ति के लक्षण
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(d)
Approach: A short note: define menopause, list short-term and long-term symptoms with their hormonal basis, and add the anthropological point that symptoms vary across cultures.
Menopause is the permanent cessation of menstruation, confirmed after 12 months without a period; it follows the perimenopause, when ovarian hormones fall unevenly. Indian studies commonly report a mean age in the mid-to-late forties.
Short-term symptoms: irregular cycles, vasomotor symptoms (hot flushes and night sweats), sleep disturbance, irritability, low mood, poor concentration, joint and muscle pain and fatigue.
Long-term effects: vaginal dryness and urinary problems (genitourinary syndrome), loss of bone density leading to osteoporosis and fractures, and a higher risk of cardiovascular disease as oestrogen's protection declines; hormone therapy relieves symptoms but its risks were highlighted by the Women's Health Initiative trial (2002).
Cultural variation: Margaret Lock (Encounters with Aging, 1993) found Japanese women in konenki rarely reported hot flushes and spoke of shoulder stiffness, and called this local biology; Indian rural women more often report aches and fatigue than flushes, and some feel freer of menstrual taboos after menopause.
Menopausal symptoms are thus bio-cultural, shaped by hormones, diet, work and social meanings of ageing.Q5(e) · Culture and Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Concept and Characteristics of Culture and Civilization
William Ogburn and Cultural lag
हिंदी में प्रश्न
विलियम ऑगबर्न एवं सांस्कृतिक अन्तराल
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(e)
Approach: A short note: Ogburn's distinction of material and non-material culture, the meaning and causes of cultural lag, his own and Indian examples, and a critique.
William F. Ogburn, in Social Change with Respect to Culture and Original Nature (1922), divided culture into material culture (tools, machines, buildings) and non-material or adaptive culture (customs, beliefs, laws, institutions).
Cultural lag: because inventions accumulate and spread quickly while norms and laws adjust slowly, the non-material part lags behind the material part, causing strain; Ogburn's own example was the long gap between rising industrial accidents and workmen's compensation laws.
Indian examples: mobile phones and social media spread faster than norms on privacy, leading only later to data protection law (2023); sex-selection technology spread before the PCPNDT Act (1994) was framed and enforced; forest laws long lagged behind the needs of forest dwellers until the Forest Rights Act (2006).
Critique: the material and non-material cannot be neatly separated; ideas can lead technology; and the theory leans towards technological determinism.
Still, cultural lag remains a useful tool for explaining social problems during rapid change and for designing timely policy.
Question 6 (50 marks)
Q6(a) · Culture, Communication and Research Methods · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Fieldwork Tradition, Technique, Method and Methodology
Critically discuss the controversies related to fieldwork of Bronislaw Malinowski and Margaret Mead.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
ब्रॉनिस्लॉ मैलिनोवस्की तथा मार्ग्रेट मीड के क्षेत्रीय कार्यों से संबंधित विवादों की समालोचनात्मक विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(a)
Approach: Take each controversy in turn: Malinowski (the diary, colonial context, contested findings such as paternity and the neglect of women’s exchange) and Mead (Freeman’s critique of Samoa and its rebuttals); critically weigh both sides and draw lessons for fieldwork.
Bronislaw Malinowski and Margaret Mead are icons of the fieldwork tradition, yet both became subjects of major controversies.
Malinowski: his diary, published posthumously in 1967 as A Diary in the Strict Sense of the Term, revealed loneliness, irritation, sexual fantasies and contemptuous racial terms for the Trobrianders, contrasting sharply with the empathetic participant observer of Argonauts (1922). Critics asked whether his rapport was real and noted his dependence on colonial authority. Defenders such as Raymond Firth argued that a private diary vents feelings and that the published ethnography stands on its data.
Contested findings: his claim that Trobrianders were ignorant of physiological paternity was debated by Leach (“Virgin Birth”, 1966) and others, and Annette Weiner’s restudy (Women of Value, Men of Renown, 1976) showed that he had largely missed women’s wealth exchanges of banana-leaf bundles.
Mead: Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) argued that Samoan adolescence was free of stress because of relaxed sexual attitudes, supporting cultural over biological determinism. Derek Freeman (1983) claimed that Samoa was competitive, puritanical and violent, that Mead knew little Samoan, stayed only about nine months with an American family, and was misled by joking informants.
Rebuttals: critics of Freeman (Paul Shankman, 2009; Lowell Holmes) noted that he worked decades later in a different area, relied on selective sources and had his own biological agenda; Holmes’s restudy confirmed much of Mead’s data while finding more conflict.
Lessons: both controversies show that ethnography is shaped by the researcher’s personality, gender, theory and time in the field. They led to restudies, reflexivity, attention to women’s worlds, and the recognition that fieldwork findings must be tested, not treated as final truth.Q6(b) · Economic Organisation · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Globalization and Indigenous Economic Systems
Discuss the impact of globalization on the economic systems of indigenous communities.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
देशज समुदायों की आर्थिक व्यवस्थाओं पर वैश्वीकरण के प्रभाव की विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(b)
Approach: Discuss the impact of globalization on indigenous economies in a balanced way: define both, analyse negative and positive impacts with Indian cases and theory, and conclude with safeguards.
Globalization, the growing integration of economies through trade, capital, technology and media, has drawn indigenous economies based on subsistence, common property and reciprocity into the market.
Commoditization: land, labour, forest produce and crafts become goods for sale; tendu, mahua, lac and sal seeds earn cash but tie gatherers to traders and price swings. Cash crops such as cashew, rubber and coffee replace mixed farming and jhum in the North-East and Odisha.
Dispossession: mining, dams and industries displace tribal people; Walter Fernandes estimated that they form about 40 per cent of those displaced by development projects since independence. David Harvey's term accumulation by dispossession describes this.
Migration and inequality: seasonal migration to brick kilns and cities brings wages but also exploitation; reciprocity and labour exchange decline, and an emerging tribal elite widens inequality.
Positive outcomes: self-help groups and mobile phones give better prices and credit; the Kani benefit-sharing model in Kerala (the drug Jeevani from arogyapacha), GI tags such as Araku Valley coffee (2019) and global markets for Gond art and Dhokra show gains.
Eric Wolf reminded us that such peoples were never isolated, and Appadurai that local people reinterpret global flows. Outcomes depend on rights: the Fifth Schedule, PESA (1996), the Forest Rights Act (2006) and the Van Dhan Yojana (2018) can make globalization work for tribes rather than against them.Q6(c) · Reproductive Biology, Demography and Applied Anthropology · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Applications of Anthropology
Describe the practical applications of DNA technology in the current scenario.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
वर्तमान परिदृश्य में डीएनए प्रौद्योगिकी के व्यावहारिक अनुप्रयोगों का विवरण प्रस्तुत कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(c)
Approach: List current practical applications of DNA technology across medicine, forensics, agriculture, conservation and anthropology, with recent examples, and end with ethical caution.
DNA technology covers methods to isolate, amplify (PCR, Kary Mullis, 1983), sequence, compare and edit DNA. Falling costs since the Human Genome Project (completed 2003) have taken it from laboratories into daily life.
Medicine: RT-PCR testing during COVID-19 and India's indigenous Truenat test for tuberculosis; newborn and carrier screening for thalassaemia and sickle-cell disease; India's ZyCoV-D (2021), the first DNA vaccine approved for humans; gene therapy and the CRISPR-based sickle-cell therapy Casgevy, approved in the UK in 2023; and pharmacogenomics, such as testing for HLA-B*15:02 before prescribing carbamazepine.
Forensics and law: STR profiling for crime investigation, disaster victim identification and paternity disputes, pioneered in India by Lalji Singh, whose work led to the Centre for DNA Fingerprinting and Diagnostics, Hyderabad. Population genomics: the GenomeIndia project released data on 10,000 Indian genomes in 2025, useful for disease risk and drug response.
Agriculture, environment and anthropology: Bt cotton (approved in India in 2002) and marker-assisted breeding; environmental DNA to monitor wildlife; ancient DNA, such as the Rakhigarhi genome (2019), to reconstruct population history.
These benefits bring concerns about privacy of genetic data, consent, discrimination and germline editing; India's Digital Personal Data Protection Act 2023 and ICMR guidelines are first steps toward governance.
Question 7 (50 marks)
Q7(a) · Culture, Communication and Research Methods · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Tools of Data Collection and Analysis
Describe various methods of qualitative data analysis. Highlight some popular computer softwares used in qualitative analysis.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
गुणात्मक डेटा विश्लेषण की विभिन्न प्रविधियों का विवरण प्रस्तुत कीजिए । गुणात्मक विश्लेषण में प्रयोग आने वाले कुछ लोकप्रिय कंप्यूटर सॉफ्टवेयरों को इंगित कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(a)
Approach: Explain the main methods of qualitative analysis (thematic, grounded theory, content, narrative, discourse and conversation, domain and componential, interpretive), then list software and its proper use.
Qualitative data in anthropology, such as field notes, interview transcripts, life histories, texts, photographs and recordings, are analysed to find patterns, meanings and explanations rather than to measure. Analysis begins in the field and continues through coding, interpretation and writing.
Methods: (i) thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006) identifies recurring themes through coding; (ii) grounded theory (Glaser and Strauss, 1967) builds theory inductively through open, axial and selective coding and constant comparison until saturation; (iii) content analysis counts and categorises words or themes in texts, for example in tribal folk songs or media; (iv) narrative analysis studies the structure and meaning of life stories; (v) discourse and conversation analysis examine how talk constructs power and identity; (vi) domain and componential analysis (James Spradley, 1979) uncover native categories, such as kinship or disease classifications; (vii) interpretive analysis through Geertz’s thick description; (viii) case and situational analysis of the Manchester school.
Rigour comes from triangulation, member checking with informants, negative case analysis and an audit trail of decisions.
Software: computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software (CAQDAS) includes NVivo, ATLAS.ti, MAXQDA, QDA Miner and Dedoose; early programs included The Ethnograph. They help store, code, retrieve, link and visualise data, handle audio, video and images, and support teamwork.
Caution: software organises data but does not interpret it; over-coding can fragment context. Analysis remains the anthropologist’s intellectual task, guided by theory and sensitivity to the community.Q7(b) · Population Genetics, Race and Human Variation · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Hardy–Weinberg Law, Genetic Polymorphism and Inbreeding
What assumptions must be met for a population to be in genetic equilibrium ? Explain the importance of genetic equilibrium.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
किसी जनसमूह के आनुवंशिक संतुलन में बने रहने हेतु किन धारणाओं का पूरा होना आवश्यक है ? आनुवंशिक संतुलन के महत्त्व को स्पष्ट कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(b)
Approach: State the Hardy-Weinberg principle, list and explain each assumption, then explain the importance of equilibrium as a null model with a worked example, and conclude.
The Hardy-Weinberg principle, stated independently by G.H. Hardy and Wilhelm Weinberg in 1908, holds that in an ideal population allele and genotype frequencies remain constant from generation to generation. With two alleles of frequencies p and q (p + q = 1), genotype frequencies are p² : 2pq : q², and this equilibrium is reached after one generation of random mating.
Assumptions: (i) a very large population, so that chance (genetic drift) does not alter frequencies; (ii) random mating, without inbreeding or assortative mating; (iii) no mutation; (iv) no migration or gene flow; (v) no natural selection, so all genotypes have equal survival and fertility; (vi) non-overlapping generations and equal allele frequencies in both sexes.
Importance: (i) it is the null model of population genetics; departure from it shows that an evolutionary force is acting, for instance an excess of homozygotes points to inbreeding; (ii) it allows estimation of carrier frequencies: if albinism affects 1 in 20,000, q² = 0.00005, q is about 0.007 and carriers (2pq) are about 1 in 70, which guides screening and counselling; (iii) it explains why dominant traits do not automatically spread and recessive ones do not vanish; (iv) it underlies forensic DNA probability calculations.
Real populations rarely meet every assumption, but the law remains the yardstick for measuring evolution.Q7(c) · Anthropological Theories · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Culture and Personality, Neo-evolutionism and Later Theories
Discuss political and methodological aspects of national character studies. Elucidate the contemporary relevance of such studies.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
राष्ट्रीय चरित्र अध्ययनों के राजनीतिक एवं विधितंत्रीय पक्षों की विवेचना कीजिए । ऐसे अध्ययनों की समसामयिक प्रासंगिकता को स्पष्ट कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(c)
Approach: Three demands: political context, methodological features and weaknesses, and contemporary relevance; organise in three blocks with examples.
National character studies, an outgrowth of the culture and personality school in the 1940s and 1950s, tried to describe the typical personality of modern nations such as Japan, Germany, Russia and the USA.
Political aspects: they were born of war. Benedict, Mead, Gorer and Bateson worked with the US Office of War Information to understand enemies and allies; Benedict’s The Chrysanthemum and the Sword (1946) advised on Japanese behaviour and occupation policy. In the Cold War, the Columbia University Research in Contemporary Cultures project studied Russia and Eastern Europe. Critics saw this as anthropology serving state power and producing images of the enemy.
Methodological aspects: since fieldwork was impossible, scholars developed the study of culture at a distance (Mead and Métraux, 1953) using immigrants’ interviews, films, novels, propaganda and projective tests. They assumed that child-rearing, such as Gorer’s swaddling hypothesis for Russians, shaped adult character, and generalised from small samples to whole nations, ignoring class, region and ethnicity.
Contemporary relevance: in a revised, statistical form the idea survives in cross-cultural psychology and management, for example Geert Hofstede’s dimensions of national culture (1980) used in multinational business, diplomacy and diaspora studies, and in debates on soft power. However, the danger of stereotyping and profiling means such studies are useful only as tendencies, combined with attention to internal diversity.
Question 8 (50 marks)
Q8(a) · Anthropological Theories · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Culture and Personality, Neo-evolutionism and Later Theories
Critically examine Arjun Appadurai's conceptualization of global cultural economy.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
अर्जुन अप्पादुरै द्वारा प्रतिपादित वैश्विक सांस्कृतिक अर्थव्यवस्था की अवधारणा का समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(a)
Approach: Explain Appadurai’s five scapes and the idea of disjuncture, with examples (including Indian ones), then critically examine strengths and weaknesses.
Arjun Appadurai set out his model in “Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy” (1990), expanded in Modernity at Large (1996). He argued that globalisation cannot be understood by centre-periphery or push-pull models, because cultural flows now move in overlapping, uneven and disjunctive ways.
The five scapes: (i) ethnoscapes, the shifting landscape of tourists, migrants, refugees and guest workers, such as Indian IT professionals in the USA or Malayali workers in the Gulf; (ii) mediascapes, images and narratives spread by film, television and the internet, such as Bollywood watched in Nigeria; (iii) technoscapes, the fast movement of technology across borders; (iv) financescapes, the rapid flows of global capital, currencies and stock markets; (v) ideoscapes, political ideas like democracy, rights and freedom, which take different meanings in different places.
Disjuncture: these flows do not move together; money may flow where people cannot, and images arrive without the institutions behind them. Imagination becomes a social practice, as migrants build imagined worlds and long-distance identities. Appadurai also showed indigenisation: in “Playing with Modernity” he described how Indians decolonised cricket through vernacular commentary and mass media.
Strengths: the model replaced the homogenisation (Americanisation) thesis with a picture of tension between homogenisation and heterogenisation, and gave anthropology tools to study deterritorialised culture.
Criticism: the scapes are metaphors that are hard to operationalise; the model underplays the continuing power of states, borders and capital, and the inequalities of class and gender in who can move (Heyman and Campbell, 2009).
Overall, Appadurai’s framework remains a useful heuristic for global flows if anchored in grounded ethnography of power and inequality.Q8(b) · Human Genetics: Methods, Inheritance and Chromosomes · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Chromosomes and Chromosomal Aberrations
Describe the causes of structural abnormalities of chromosomes with suitable examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
गुणसूत्रों की संरचनात्मक विकृतियों के कारकों का उपयुक्त उदाहरणों सहित विवरण प्रस्तुत कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(b)
Approach: Explain the causes of chromosome breakage and faulty rejoining (radiation, chemicals, viruses, repair defects, recombination errors), then link them to each type of structural abnormality with examples.
Structural abnormalities arise when chromosomes break and the broken ends are lost or rejoin wrongly. They may be inherited from a balanced carrier parent or arise anew in a gamete.
Causes: (i) ionising radiation (X-rays, gamma rays), as seen in raised chromosome damage among survivors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki; (ii) chemical clastogens such as benzene, some anti-cancer drugs and pesticides; (iii) viruses that break chromosomes; (iv) inherited defects of DNA repair, the chromosome breakage syndromes, such as Fanconi anaemia, Bloom syndrome and ataxia telangiectasia; (v) unequal crossing over or non-allelic homologous recombination between repeated sequences in meiosis; (vi) segregation from a parent carrying a balanced rearrangement.
Resulting types: deletion, as in cri-du-chat syndrome (5p−, cat-like cry and intellectual disability) and the 22q11.2 microdeletion of DiGeorge syndrome; duplication, as in Charcot-Marie-Tooth disease type 1A; inversions, pericentric or paracentric, usually harmless in carriers but producing unbalanced gametes; reciprocal translocation, such as the Philadelphia chromosome t(9;22) in chronic myeloid leukaemia; Robertsonian translocation, such as t(14;21) causing familial Down syndrome; ring chromosomes; and isochromosomes such as i(Xq) in some Turner cases.
Identifying the cause matters for counselling, since inherited rearrangements carry recurrence risk while sporadic ones do not.Q8(c) · Kinship · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Kinship Terminology, Filiation, Descent and Alliance
Critically discuss A.L. Kroeber's contribution to kinship studies.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
नातेदारी अध्ययनों में ए.एल. क्रोएबर के योगदान की समालोचनात्मक विवेचना कीजिए ।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(c)
Approach: Critically discuss Kroeber's 1909 critique of Morgan, his eight principles and his psychological view of terms, then weigh the criticisms by Rivers and Radcliffe-Brown and his lasting influence.
A.L. Kroeber, Boas's student, in 'Classificatory systems of relationship' (1909) rejected Morgan's division of terminologies into descriptive and classificatory, arguing that all systems classify; English 'cousin' or 'uncle' groups many genealogical positions.
He identified eight principles of classification: generation, relative age within a generation, lineal versus collateral, sex of the relative, sex of the speaker, sex of the linking relative, consanguinity versus affinity, and whether the linking relative is alive or dead. English uses only four, while many Native American systems use more.
Kroeber argued that terms reflect psychology and language, ways of thinking, more than social institutions, so they cannot be used to reconstruct past marriage forms as Morgan had done.
Rivers (Kinship and Social Organisation, 1914) and Radcliffe-Brown replied that terms reflect social institutions such as cross-cousin marriage and lineage organisation, and most anthropologists today accept that both linguistic and social factors shape terminology.
His principles became the basis of componential analysis (Goodenough and Lounsbury, 1956) and of Murdock's cross-cultural classification; his Zuñi Kin and Clan (1917) also documented clan organisation.
Kroeber's lasting contribution was analytical rigour and the end of the evolutionist reading of terms, though his denial of social determinants proved too strong.
UPSC Mains 2023 Anthropology Paper II
Question 1 (50 marks)
Q1(a) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Palaeo-anthropological Evidence and Ethno-archaeology in India
Material culture and archaeology
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भौतिक संस्कृति और पुरातत्त्व
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(a)
Approach: A short note: define material culture, explain how archaeology interprets it (Binford's categories, behavioural and symbolic approaches), with Indian examples.
Material culture is the physical part of culture, the tools, houses, pottery, ornaments, food remains and landscapes people make and use; for prehistory it is the only evidence, so archaeology is largely the study of past material culture.
Lewis Binford (1962) classed artefacts as technomic (used to cope with the environment, such as a handaxe), sociotechnic (expressing social roles, such as a chief's insignia) and ideotechnic (expressing beliefs, such as figurines). Michael Schiffer's behavioural archaeology studied how objects pass from use to discard and burial (site formation), while Ian Hodder's Symbols in Action (1982) showed that objects carry meanings actively used in social life.
Indian examples: Harappan standard weights and seals reveal administration and trade; Jorwe house plans at Inamgaon reveal ranking; and Dhokra casting and Khambhat bead-making link living crafts to archaeological objects.
Material culture thus links anthropology and archaeology: objects are evidence of technology, society and meaning, best interpreted with ethnographic insight.Q1(b) · Demographic Profile and the Traditional Indian Social System · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Varnashrama, Purushartha, Karma, Rina and Rebirth
Interface between Purushartha and Ashrama
हिंदी में प्रश्न
पुरुषार्थ और आश्रम के बीच अंतरापृष्ठ
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(b)
Approach: A short note showing how each ashrama is linked to particular purusharthas, with the grihastha as pivot and moksha as the final goal.
The purusharthas are the four aims of life, dharma, artha, kama and moksha, and the ashramas are the four stages through which a twice-born man was expected to pursue them; together they form a plan for the whole life course, which P.H. Prabhu (Hindu Social Organization) called a psycho-moral scheme.
Brahmacharya (student) builds dharma through learning and discipline; grihastha (householder) pursues artha and kama within dharma, marrying, earning, begetting sons and supporting all other stages, which is why Manu called the householder the support of the other orders (paraphrase); vanaprastha (forest-dweller) loosens attachment and turns toward moksha; and sannyasa (renouncer) seeks moksha alone.
Dharma runs through every stage as the regulating value, so the scheme balances worldly life and liberation in sequence rather than opposing them; Louis Dumont saw the renouncer as the individual outside the world, a counterpoint to the man-in-the-world.
The interface applied fully only to twice-born men, excluding women and Shudras, and few ever completed all four stages, but it still shapes Hindu ideals of a well-ordered life.Q1(c) · Caste System and Religions in Indian Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Dominant Caste, Caste Mobility, Jajmani System and the Tribe–Caste Continuum
Jajmani system : continuity and change
हिंदी में प्रश्न
जजमानी व्यवस्था : निरन्तरता एवं परिवर्तन
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(c)
Approach: Define jajmani briefly, then show what has changed (monetisation, mechanisation, migration, law) and what continues (ritual services, patron–client ties), ending with a short judgement.
The jajmani system, first described by William Wiser in Karimpur (1936), bound service castes (kamins) to landowning patrons (jajmans) through hereditary exchange of services for grain shares and ritual gifts.
Change: cash wages, factory-made goods and tractors have displaced potters, carpenters and blacksmiths; the Green Revolution turned grain shares into wage contracts; migration, education and reservations opened new jobs; and the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act (1976) and MGNREGA (2005) reduced dependence on patrons.
Continuity: barbers, priests and drummers still serve at weddings, births and funerals in many villages, often for customary payments, because these services carry ritual meaning. Patron–client dependence also survives in new forms, such as labour contractors and political brokers.
The economic core of jajmani has largely gone, while its ritual and hierarchical residues persist; as Fuller warned, the pace of change varies widely between regions.Q1(d) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Prehistoric Cultures of India
Prehistoric rock arts from Uttarakhand
हिंदी में प्रश्न
उत्तराखण्ड की प्रागैतिहासिक शैल कला
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(d)
Approach: A short note on the rock art of Uttarakhand, centred on Lakhudiyar: location, themes, colours, style, dating problems and comparison with central India.
The best known prehistoric rock art of Uttarakhand is at Lakhudiyar ('a lakh caves'), rock shelters on the bank of the Suyal river near Barechhina, about 20 km from Almora in the Kumaon hills; several other painted shelters are known in Almora district.
Themes and style: three groups of motifs, human figures, animals and geometric patterns; stick-like humans, including rows of hand-linked dancing figures; animals such as a long-snouted animal, a fox and a multi-legged lizard; and wavy lines, dot groups and rectangles filled with designs. Colours are red ochre, black and white, often superimposed in layers.
Dating and significance: no direct dates exist, so age is inferred from style and superimposition; the art probably spans several phases, possibly from Mesolithic-like to later periods. Like Bhimbetka, the dancing groups suggest communal ritual, and the shelters show that Himalayan foothill people shared central Indian artistic conventions.
Weathering, mineral deposits and visitor damage threaten the paintings, so scientific dating and conservation are urgent.Q1(e) · Caste System and Religions in Indian Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Sacred Complex, Nature-Man-Spirit Complex and the Impact of Religions
Religious pluralism and social solidarity
हिंदी में प्रश्न
धार्मिक बहुलवाद और सामाजिक एकजुटता
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(e)
Approach: Define religious pluralism, show how it supports solidarity (shared shrines, festivals, civic ties, constitutional secularism) and where it strains it, with examples.
Religious pluralism is the peaceful coexistence of many faiths with mutual recognition; India's Census 2011 recorded Hindus at 79.8%, Muslims 14.2%, Christians 2.3%, Sikhs 1.7%, Buddhists 0.7% and Jains 0.4%. Durkheim saw religion as a source of solidarity within a moral community, and pluralism raises the question of solidarity across communities.
India's answer has been layered sharing: Hindus and Muslims visit the dargah of Moinuddin Chishti at Ajmer, Ayyappa pilgrims to Sabarimala stop at the Vavar shrine at Erumeli, and the Meos of Mewat combined Islamic and local customs. Articles 25–28 guarantee freedom of religion within a secular state.
Ashutosh Varshney (Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life, 2002) showed that cities with strong inter-communal civic associations, such as Calicut, avoided riots that struck cities like Aligarh, so pluralism produces solidarity when everyday and civic ties cross religious lines.
Communal riots and polarisation show its fragility. Pluralism sustains solidarity only when backed by shared institutions, equal citizenship and dialogue.
Question 2 (50 marks)
Q2(a) · Anthropology in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Indian Anthropologists and Tribal and Caste Studies
"Tribes are backward Hindus." Critically comment with reference to the contributions of G. S. Ghurye.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
"जनजाति पिछड़े हिन्दू हैं।" जी० एस० घुर्ये के योगदान के सन्दर्भ में आलोचनात्मक टिप्पणी कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(a)
Approach: Explain Ghurye's thesis and evidence, set it against Elwin's protectionism and the Nehruvian middle path, then critically evaluate it with later scholarship and current tribal assertion.
G.S. Ghurye (1893–1983), head of sociology at Bombay, argued in The Aborigines, So-called, and Their Future (1943, later retitled The Scheduled Tribes) that tribals were backward Hindus, imperfectly integrated sections of Hindu society rather than separate peoples.
His evidence: many tribes worshipped Hindu deities, observed Hindu festivals, employed Brahmin priests and followed caste-like rules; there was a long history of contact, trade and absorption, as with the Gond rajas; and tribes differed from low Hindu castes mainly in degree of integration.
Policy view: he opposed Verrier Elwin's early proposal of protected 'national parks' for tribes such as the Baiga (1939) as isolationist and colonial, and urged assimilation through education and economic development. He also warned that missionary conversion and colonial separation divided tribes from the nation.
Strengths: he rightly rejected the colonial image of tribes as isolated primitives, anticipating N.K. Bose's 'Hindu method of tribal absorption' and Surajit Sinha's tribe-caste continuum, and his concern for national integration influenced post-independence policy.
Criticisms: his view ignored distinct tribal languages, religions such as Sarna, kinship and land systems, and erased the north-eastern tribes, most of whom were never Hindu. Scholars such as Virginius Xaxa argue that it denied tribes' identity and justified assimilation by dominant groups. It also overlooked exploitation by Hindu moneylenders and landlords, which drove tribal revolts.
Nehru's Panchsheel (1959) rejected both isolation and forced assimilation in favour of integration along the lines of tribes' own genius, a middle path written into the Fifth and Sixth Schedules.
Ghurye's statement captures the long interaction of tribes with Hindu society, but as a description of tribal identity it is one-sided; tribes today assert a distinct identity within the nation.Q2(b) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Harappan Civilization and Tribal Contributions to Indian Civilization
"Indus Valley was the first settlement of the big civilization." Comment critically.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
"सिन्धु घाटी बड़ी सभ्यता की पहली बसाहट थी।" समालोचनात्मक टिप्पणी कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(b)
Approach: Comment critically: test the claim against the chronology of Mesopotamia and Egypt, then show in what sense the Indus civilization was 'first' or unique (scale, planning, local roots); conclude with a qualified judgement.
The statement needs qualification. A civilization in V. Gordon Childe's sense (the urban revolution, 1950) has cities, surplus, specialists, writing, monumental building and long-distance trade. By this test the Indus civilization's mature phase (about 2600–1900 BCE) was not the world's first.
Against the claim: in Mesopotamia, Uruk was a city with writing by about 3300–3100 BCE, and Egypt was unified under a pharaonic state around 3100 BCE, both several centuries earlier than mature Harappan cities.
In favour of a qualified version: it was the first urban civilization of South Asia; it was the largest Bronze Age civilization by area, with over 1,000 sites from Baluchistan to western Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat; its roots go back to Mehrgarh (about 7000 BCE) and early Harappan towns such as Kot Diji and Kalibangan, so it grew indigenously rather than by borrowing; and its standardised bricks, grid streets, drainage and weights were unmatched.
It also differed in character: no royal tombs or grand palaces, and relatively uniform houses, suggesting a less overtly hierarchical, perhaps merchant or council-based order (debated).
Thus the Indus valley was not the first civilization of the world, but it was the first and largest urban civilization of the subcontinent and one of the three great early civilizations of the Old World, distinct in its planning and egalitarian appearance.Q2(c) · Caste System and Religions in Indian Society · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Sacred Complex, Nature-Man-Spirit Complex and the Impact of Religions
Discuss the basic tenets of Jainism and its impact on Indian society.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
जैन धर्म के मूल सिद्धान्तों और भारतीय समाज पर इसके प्रभाव की चर्चा कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(c)
Approach: State the basic tenets briefly (jiva-ajiva, karma, triratna, five vows, anekantavada, sects), then discuss impact on ethics, economy, culture and society, including caste among Jains.
Jainism, given its historical form by Vardhamana Mahavira (sixth–fifth century BCE), the twenty-fourth Tirthankara, is a non-theistic path to liberation (kaivalya) of the soul.
Tenets: the universe consists of jiva (souls) and ajiva (non-living matter); karma is a subtle matter that binds the soul and is shed through austerity. Liberation comes through the triratna: right faith, right knowledge and right conduct. Conduct rests on five vows: ahimsa, satya, asteya, aparigraha and brahmacharya. Anekantavada (many-sidedness of truth) and syadvada teach that reality can be seen from many standpoints. The community divided into Digambara and Svetambara sects.
Ethical impact: strict ahimsa and vegetarianism shaped Indian food norms and, through the Jain thinker Shrimad Rajchandra, influenced Gandhi's non-violence. Jains run animal shelters (panjrapoles).
Economic impact: since farming harms living beings, Jains turned to trade and banking, and the ethic of thrift and honesty supported Gujarati and Marwari mercantile networks.
Cultural impact: Prakrit and early Kannada literature, the Dilwara and Ranakpur temples and the Gommateshwara statue at Shravanabelagola enriched Indian heritage.
Social limits: Jains developed endogamous caste-like groups such as Oswal and Porwal, and the sallekhana debate (Rajasthan High Court ban of 2015, stayed by the Supreme Court) shows tension with modern law. Jains were notified as a national minority in 2014.
Though small in number, Jainism has had a lasting influence on Indian ethics, commerce and art.
Question 3 (50 marks)
Q3(a) · Indian Village, Minorities and Social Change · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Processes of Socio-cultural Change
"Sanskritization is a culture-bound concept." Critically comment to assess the strength and limitation of this concept in developing a theoretical framework to study social change.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
"संस्कृतिकरण एक संस्कृति-बद्ध अवधारणा है।" सामाजिक परिवर्तन का अध्ययन करने के लिए सैद्धान्तिक रूपरेखा विकसित करने में इस अवधारणा की सामर्थ्य और सीमा का आकलन करने के लिए आलोचनात्मक टिप्पणी कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(a)
Approach: Explain the concept, then assess the claim that it is culture-bound: its strengths as a framework, its limitations (Hindu-specific, upper-caste model, gender, positional change), comparable processes elsewhere, and conclude on its theoretical value.
M.N. Srinivas introduced Sanskritization in his Coorg study (1952) and defined it as the process by which a low Hindu caste, tribe or other group changes its customs, ritual, ideology and way of life in the direction of a high, often twice-born, caste, usually claiming higher rank over a generation or two.
Why it is called culture-bound: it presupposes the Hindu caste hierarchy, the ideology of purity and the Sanskritic great tradition, so it cannot be applied directly outside India or even to non-Hindu groups. Yogendra Singh (Modernization of Indian Tradition, 1973) treated it as a specific form of cultural change rather than a general theory.
Strengths: it showed that caste is not static and that mobility occurred before British rule; it was grounded in fieldwork (Coorgs, Rampura) and explained cases such as the Nadars and the Bhumij; and it highlighted the link between economic or political gain and the quest for ritual status. Srinivas also allowed that the model could be Kshatriya, Vaishya or the local dominant caste.
Limitations: it describes positional, not structural, change and leaves the hierarchy intact; it reflects an upper-caste view in which lower groups imitate rather than resist; it often worsened women's position through seclusion, bans on widow remarriage and dowry; and it neglects protest and exit, as among the Jatavs (Lynch, 1969) and Ambedkarite Buddhists.
Theoretical value: similar processes exist elsewhere, such as Merton's reference-group behaviour, so Sanskritization can be read as a regional case of a general process of status emulation, though its power has declined as mobility now comes from education, reservation and politics.
Sanskritization is thus culture-bound in content but useful in form, best used within a wider framework of structural, economic and political change.Q3(b) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Prehistoric Cultures of India
Was Mesolithic culture the first step towards sedentary way of life? Illustrate your answer by citing suitable examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या मध्यपाषाण संस्कृति स्थानबद्ध जीवनशैली की ओर पहला कदम थी? उपयुक्त उदाहरण देते हुए अपने उत्तर की व्याख्या कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(b)
Approach: Weigh the evidence: define sedentism, show Mesolithic signs of settled life with Indian examples (Ganga plain, Belan, Bagor, Adamgarh) and a world parallel, then the counter-evidence of mobility; conclude with a qualified yes.
Sedentism means living at one place for most or all of the year. The Mesolithic, after about 10,000 BCE in India, saw a warmer, wetter Holocene, smaller game, microliths and a broad-spectrum diet, the setting Kent Flannery (1969) called the broad-spectrum revolution, which in many regions preceded farming.
Evidence for settled life: at Sarai Nahar Rai, Mahadaha and Damdama in the Ganga plain, hut floors, post-holes, hearths, querns and burials within the settlement suggest long stays beside lakes; at Chopani Mando in the Belan valley, circular huts, ring stones, wild rice and hand-made pottery appear in the late Mesolithic; Bagor in Rajasthan (V.N. Misra) has stone-paved floors and early domestic sheep and goat, and Adamgarh early domestic animals; Langhnaj in Gujarat has burials.
A world parallel is the Natufian culture of the Levant (about 12,500–9,500 BCE), where foragers built stone houses and harvested wild cereals before farming began.
Counter-evidence: most Mesolithic sites, such as the rock shelters of Bhimbetka and the dune sites of Rajasthan, are small seasonal camps; stone raw material was carried long distances; and living foragers such as the Birhor and Chenchu move seasonally, so many Mesolithic groups were semi-sedentary at best.
So the Mesolithic was a first step toward sedentism in rich niches such as lakes and valleys, but full village life came with the Neolithic, at Mehrgarh from about 7000 BCE.Q3(c) · Religion and Tribes; Tribe and Nation State · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Tribe and Nation State
Critically examine the impact of modern democratic institutions on contemporary tribal societies. Illustrate with suitable ethnographic examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
समकालीन जनजातीय समाजों पर आधुनिक लोकतांत्रिक संस्थाओं के प्रभाव का आलोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए। उपयुक्त नृवंशविज्ञान-सम्बन्धी उदाहरणों को देकर स्पष्ट कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(c)
Approach: Critically examine: show how modern democratic institutions (elections, panchayats, PESA, councils, courts) have changed tribal societies, with named ethnographic examples, weighing empowerment against disruption.
Most Indian tribes had their own political systems: hereditary chiefs among the Nagas and Khasis, the parha confederacy of the Munda, the manjhi-pargana system of the Santal, and the kebang of the Adi. Modern democratic institutions overlaid these after 1950.
Empowerment: reserved seats and universal franchise produced tribal parties, chief ministers in Jharkhand and the north-east, and a tribal President (2022); PESA (1996) gave gram sabhas powers over land, forest produce and plans; the Forest Rights Act (2006) made gram sabhas the authority to recognise rights.
Ethnographic examples: in Niyamgiri the Dongria Kondh used gram sabhas (2013) to reject bauxite mining; in Mendha-Lekha (Gadchiroli) a Gond village asserted 'our government in Delhi and Mumbai, we are the government in our village' and won community forest rights in 2009.
Disruption: elected panchayats eroded the authority of elders and created factions along party lines; F.G. Bailey's work among the Konds (1960) showed new brokers linking tribe and state; elite tribals captured benefits.
Conflicts: customary bodies resisted women's reservation, as in Nagaland's urban local body protests (2017), and the Pathalgadi movement (2017 to 2018) turned PESA into a claim of village sovereignty that clashed with the state.
Democratic institutions have empowered tribes but work best when they build on customary institutions rather than replace them, as PESA itself intends.
Question 4 (50 marks)
Q4(a) · Tribal Administration and Applied Anthropology · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Tribal Administration, Policies and PVTGs
Elucidate the problems faced by Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups and the major challenges in the formulation of special programmes for their development.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
विशेष रूप से कमजोर जनजातीय समूहों द्वारा सामना की जाने वाली समस्याओं और उनके विकास के लिए विशेष कार्यक्रमों के निर्माण में प्रमुख चुनौतियों पर प्रकाश डालिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(a)
Approach: Elucidate the problems of PVTGs (demographic, health, economic, land, education, social) with named groups, then the major challenges in designing special programmes for them, and suggest an approach.
India's 75 PVTGs, identified by pre-agricultural technology, low literacy, subsistence economy and stagnant or declining population, are the most vulnerable among STs.
Demographic and health problems: very small or declining numbers (Great Andamanese, Onge), high infant mortality, malnutrition and anaemia, epidemics after contact (measles among the Jarawa, 1999), sickle-cell disease and tuberculosis, and very limited access to health facilities.
Economic and land problems: loss of forests and hunting grounds to protected areas, plantations and mining (the Dongria Kondh and Niyamgiri), restrictions on shifting cultivation, debt and bonded labour (Sahariya, Katkari), and dependence on rations.
Education and social problems: very low literacy (Bondo, Abujh Maria), schooling in alien languages, displacement and stigma, and the breakdown of social institutions after resettlement.
Challenges in programme design: great diversity among groups, from isolated foragers to settled cultivators, defeats uniform schemes; habitation-level data was weak until the PM-JANMAN survey; remote, scattered hamlets make delivery costly; concrete houses and roads can disrupt mobility and culture; some groups, such as the Sentinelese and Shompen, reject or need protection from contact; staff lack language and cultural training; and convergence across departments is poor.
Structural challenge: programmes are drawn up by officials, not communities, and the stigma of 'primitive' long shaped attitudes.
Approach: group-specific Conservation-cum-Development plans prepared with anthropologists, habitat rights under the FRA, community health workers from the group, mother-tongue education, and respect for the right to isolation; PM-JANMAN (2023) offers resources, but participatory design will decide its success.Q4(b) · Demographic Profile and the Traditional Indian Social System · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Ethnic and Linguistic Elements in the Indian Population
Critically compare Risley's and Sarkar's approaches to the classification of peoples of India.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत के लोगों के वर्गीकरण के लिए रिसले और सरकार के दृष्टिकोणों की आलोचनात्मक तुलना कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(b)
Approach: Critically compare the two approaches on basis, method, categories, assumptions and treatment of caste and tribes, ideally in a comparison table, then evaluate both.
H.H. Risley, Census Commissioner for 1901, and S.S. Sarkar of the Anthropological Survey of India represent the colonial and the early post-independence phases of physical classification of Indian peoples.
Basis and method: Risley measured large numbers of people of different castes in Bengal and northern India and relied mainly on the nasal index, with cephalic index and stature; Sarkar (1954) relied mainly on the cephalic index, adding other measurements and blood groups, and paid special attention to tribes.
Categories: Risley's seven types, Turko-Iranian, Indo-Aryan, Scytho-Dravidian, Aryo-Dravidian, Mongolo-Dravidian, Mongoloid and Dravidian, mostly mixtures of three base stocks; Sarkar's six elements, Australoid, Indo-Aryan, Irano-Scythian, Mundari-speaking, Far Eastern and Mongolian.
Assumptions: Risley held that caste originated in race and that social status varied inversely with nasal width, a view G.S. Ghurye (1932) accepted only partly for the north; Sarkar did not tie caste to race, saw the Australoid as the indigenous base, and denied a mainland Negrito element.
Diagram: a two-column table comparing Risley and Sarkar on criteria, categories, view of caste and view of tribes.
Evaluation: Risley's work was shaped by colonial ethnology and served administrative classification, and his mixed linguistic-racial labels lack evidence; Sarkar was more cautious and field-based, but both relied on plastic metric traits and fixed types. Modern genetics, showing clines and admixture, supersedes both.Q4(c) · Caste System and Religions in Indian Society · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Dominant Caste, Caste Mobility, Jajmani System and the Tribe–Caste Continuum
Is caste mobility a recent phenomenon? Discuss in the light of Indological and Empirical context.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या जाति गतिशीलता एक हाल ही की परिघटना है? इंडोलॉजिकल तथा आनुभविक (एम्पिरिकल) संदर्भ के प्रकाश में चर्चा कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(c)
Approach: Answer 'no': give Indological (textual and historical) evidence of mobility before colonial rule and empirical (field) evidence from village and caste studies, then show what is new about mobility today.
Caste mobility is not a recent phenomenon. The image of an unchanging caste order came largely from texts and colonial writing, whereas both Indological and field evidence show that groups have long changed their rank.
Indological evidence: the Dharmashastras list many mixed castes (varnasankara) born of anuloma and pratiloma unions, showing that new jatis kept forming. Ruling families of non-Kshatriya origin, such as the Nandas, were accepted as kings, and Shivaji's coronation in 1674, conducted by Gaga Bhatt, legitimised his claim to Kshatriya status. The Kayasthas rose through administrative service, and Bhakti saints from artisan and low castes gained high religious standing.
Empirical evidence: Srinivas noted that the middle ranks of the hierarchy were always fluid and that Sanskritization operated before British rule. Surajit Sinha's Bhumij, Hardgrave's Nadars, Bailey's distiller castes in Bisipara (1957) and the many petitions to the 1901 Census for higher placement all show collective mobility.
What is new: today mobility comes less through imitation and more through education, urban jobs, reservations, caste associations and electoral power, and it includes protest and exit, as with Dalit Buddhism. Groups may even seek backward status rather than higher rank.
Caste mobility is therefore old, but its routes have shifted from ritual imitation to secular and political means.
Question 5 (50 marks)
Q5(a) · Tribal Administration and Applied Anthropology · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Tribal Administration, Policies and PVTGs
Scheduled areas
हिंदी में प्रश्न
अनुसूचित क्षेत्र
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(a)
Approach: A short note on Scheduled Areas: constitutional basis, criteria and declaration, extent, the Governor and TAC, and their significance with current issues.
Scheduled Areas are areas declared by the President under paragraph 6 of the Fifth Schedule (Article 244(1)) for special protection of tribal people; the President may alter them after consulting the state's Governor.
Criteria: preponderance of tribal population, compactness and reasonable size, under-developed nature, and marked economic disparity with neighbouring areas.
Extent: they lie in ten states (Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha and Rajasthan), covering 97 districts fully or partly according to a 2025 Lok Sabha reply.
Special regime: the Governor can modify laws and make regulations on land transfer and moneylending; a Tribes Advisory Council advises on welfare; PESA (1996) applies to them; and Samatha (1997) barred leases of tribal land to private non-tribals there.
Issues: many tribal villages remain outside Scheduled Areas, Governors seldom use their powers, and states such as Tripura or regions like Ladakh fall under other regimes; periodic revision is needed.Q5(b) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Palaeo-anthropological Evidence and Ethno-archaeology in India
Ramapithecus-Sivapithecus debate
हिंदी में प्रश्न
रामापिथेकस-सिवापिथेकस वाद-विवाद
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(b)
Approach: A short note on the debate: the two genera, the hominid claim, the evidence (molecular, dental, facial) that resolved it, and the lesson.
The debate concerns two Miocene ape genera from the Siwaliks: Sivapithecus (Guy Pilgrim, 1910), a large ape, and Ramapithecus (G.E. Lewis, 1934), a smaller form from Haritalyangar.
In the 1960s Simons and Pilbeam placed Ramapithecus on the human line, separate from the ape Sivapithecus, because of its small canines, thick enamel and supposedly parabolic arcade; Kenyapithecus from Fort Ternan in Kenya was grouped with it.
Resolution: the molecular clock of Sarich and Wilson (1967) dated the human-ape split to about 5 million years; complete mandibles showed a V-shaped arcade; Leonard Greenfield (1979) argued that Ramapithecus specimens were females of a dimorphic Sivapithecus; and the GSP 15000 face (Pilbeam, 1982) with a concave profile and narrow interorbital region linked Sivapithecus to the orang-utan (Andrews and Cronin, 1982). Both are now one genus, Sivapithecus.
Diagram: a flow chart: 1932 find, 1960s hominid claim, 1967 molecular clock, 1982 face, orang-utan relative.
The debate showed how sexual dimorphism, fragmentary fossils and molecular data must be weighed together in reconstructing human origins.Q5(c) · Indian Village, Minorities and Social Change · 10 marks≈ 7 min
The Indian Village
Village as little republic
हिंदी में प्रश्न
छोटे गणतंत्र के रूप में गाँव
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(c)
Approach: A short note: origin of the idea (Metcalfe, Maine, Marx, Gandhi), what it claimed, and the anthropological critique.
Sir Charles Metcalfe (1830) described Indian village communities as little republics, having nearly everything they wanted within themselves and surviving the fall of dynasties.
Henry Maine (Village Communities in the East and West, 1871) saw them as survivals of early collective property, and Marx used the image of self-sufficient, unchanging villages in his idea of the Asiatic mode of production. Gandhi idealised the self-reliant village as the basis of gram swaraj.
Anthropological village studies of the 1950s rejected this picture. Srinivas, Dube and Lewis showed villages tied to wider markets, kingdoms, pilgrimage and marriage networks; Dumont and Pocock (1957) called the village only a locality; and Ambedkar saw it as a den of localism and caste oppression.
The 'little republic' was thus more a colonial and nationalist construct than a social reality, though the 73rd Amendment (1992) revived the ideal of village self-government.Q5(d) · Demographic Profile and the Traditional Indian Social System · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Ethnic and Linguistic Elements in the Indian Population
Dravidian languages and their subgroups
हिंदी में प्रश्न
द्रविड़ भाषाएँ और उनके उपसमूह
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(d)
Approach: A short note: origin of the family, the four sub-groups with members, numbers and distribution.
Dravidian languages form India's second largest family, spoken by 19.64 percent of the population (Census 2011); the family was identified by F.W. Ellis (1816) and named by Robert Caldwell (1856), and Bhadriraju Krishnamurti's The Dravidian Languages (2003) gives the standard classification.
South Dravidian: Tamil, Malayalam, Kannada, Tulu, Kodava, and the Nilgiri languages Toda, Kota and Irula. South-Central Dravidian: Telugu, Gondi, Konda, Kui, Kuvi, Pengo and Manda.
Central Dravidian: Kolami, Naiki, Parji and Ollari (Gadaba) in Maharashtra, Telangana, Chhattisgarh and Odisha. North Dravidian: Kurukh (Oraon) and Malto (Sauria Paharia) in Jharkhand and neighbouring states, and Brahui in Balochistan.
The four literary languages, Tamil (classical status 2004), Telugu and Kannada (2008) and Malayalam (2013), dominate the south, while the central and northern sub-groups are largely tribal languages such as Gondi and Kurukh, many of them endangered.Q5(e) · Demographic Profile and the Traditional Indian Social System · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Varnashrama, Purushartha, Karma, Rina and Rebirth
Karma and Rebirth
हिंदी में प्रश्न
कर्म और पुनर्जन्म
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(e)
Approach: A short note: the doctrines, textual origin, social functions and an anthropological or critical view.
Karma is the doctrine that every action produces moral consequences, and rebirth (punarjanma) holds that the soul passes through a cycle of births (samsara) shaped by past karma until liberation (moksha). Both were developed in the early Upanishads, such as the Brihadaranyaka and Chandogya, and are shared in different forms with Buddhism and Jainism.
Functions: they explain suffering and inequality as earned, motivate ethical conduct with hope of a better birth, and give continuity between generations; Max Weber called karma the most consistent theodicy ever produced (paraphrase), arguing that it stabilised the caste order.
Ethnography: Ursula Sharma (1973) found villagers in Himachal Pradesh invoking karma selectively, alongside fate, deities and witchcraft; Milton Singer's study of Madras industrialists questioned Weber's view that karma blocked enterprise.
Critics such as Ambedkar saw the doctrine as legitimising caste inequality, while many Hindus read it as a call to personal responsibility.
Question 6 (50 marks)
Q6(a) · Caste System and Religions in Indian Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Caste: Structure, Varna and Theories of Origin
Is annihilation of caste possible? Discuss the future of caste system in the light of various proactive measures taken by the Indian State.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या जाति का विनाश सम्भव है? भारतीय राज्य द्वारा उठाए गए विभिन्न सक्रिय उपायों के आलोक में जाति व्यवस्था के भविष्य पर चर्चा कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(a)
Approach: Begin with Ambedkar's idea of annihilation, then weigh the State's measures (constitutional, legal, reservations, welfare) against the forces that sustain caste, and end with a reasoned judgement on its future.
In Annihilation of Caste (1936) B.R. Ambedkar argued that caste could end only if the religious sanction behind it was rejected and inter-caste marriage became common. The Indian State took up part of this programme after 1950.
Proactive measures: Article 15 bans discrimination, Article 17 abolishes untouchability, and Articles 15(4), 16(4), 330 and 332 provide reservations in education, jobs and legislatures. The Protection of Civil Rights Act (1955) and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act (1989) punish caste offences, and several states reward inter-caste marriage.
Signs of weakening: commensal and touch rules have relaxed in cities, hereditary occupations have declined, and a Dalit middle class has emerged through reservation and education. The Supreme Court's seven-judge ruling in State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh (2024) permitting sub-classification of Scheduled Castes shows the State refining its tools against inequality within categories.
Signs of persistence: only about 5% of marriages were inter-caste in the India Human Development Survey (2011–12). Matrimonial advertisements, khap panchayats and honour killings enforce endogamy. Thorat and Attewell (2007) found that applicants with Dalit names received fewer interview calls than equally qualified upper-caste applicants.
Caste is also renewed by the State's own instruments. Elections reward caste blocs (Srinivas's 'vote bank'), reservations make caste certificates valuable, and the Bihar caste survey (2023) and the caste enumeration planned in Census 2027 keep caste visible in public life.
Annihilation in Ambedkar's sense is not yet in sight, but the ideology of purity and hierarchy is losing legitimacy. Wider education, urban jobs, inter-caste marriage and strict enforcement of anti-discrimination laws can weaken caste further, even if caste identity survives as a political category.Q6(b) · Weaker Sections, Ethnicity and Tribal Change · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Ethnicity, Tribal Unrest, Regionalism and Pseudo-tribalism
Distinguishing between ethnic identity and ethnicity, discuss the factors responsible for ethnic conflict in tribal areas.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
जातीय पहचान और जातीयता के बीच अन्तर करते हुए जनजातीय क्षेत्रों में जातीय संघर्ष के लिए जिम्मेदार कारकों पर चर्चा कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(b)
Approach: First distinguish ethnic identity (self- and other-ascribed belonging) from ethnicity (the wider social and political process), using Barth, Geertz and Brass; then discuss the factors behind ethnic conflict in tribal areas with examples.
Ethnic identity is a person's or group's sense of belonging to a group believed to share descent, culture and history, expressed through markers such as language, dress, religion or clan names. Ethnicity is the broader social phenomenon: the organisation and use of such identities in relations between groups, often in competition for power and resources.
Fredrik Barth (Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, 1969) showed that ethnicity lies in boundary maintenance between groups rather than in cultural content; Geertz stressed primordial attachments, while Paul Brass argued that elites politicise identity. Thus identity can be quiet and personal, whereas ethnicity becomes visible when identities are mobilised.
Factors of ethnic conflict in tribal areas:
Land and territory: competing homeland claims, such as Naga, Kuki and Meitei claims in Manipur, or Bodo demands in western Assam.
Migration and demography: fear of being outnumbered by settlers, which drove the Bodo-Muslim clashes (2012) and conflict in Tripura, where tribals became a minority.
Reservation and recognition: competition over ST status and benefits, as when a 2023 Manipur High Court direction on Meitei ST status triggered violence.
Resources and the state: disputes over forests, mining revenue and development funds, weak governance and armed groups.
Conflict thus arises when identities harden into boundaries over scarce resources; inclusive autonomy, fair resource sharing and dialogue can soften them.Q6(c) · Evolution of Indian Culture and Civilization · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Palaeo-anthropological Evidence and Ethno-archaeology in India
"Siwalik deposits show a variety of Neogene fossil primates." Critically examine.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
"शिवालिक तलछट विभिन्न प्रकार के नियोजीन जीवाश्म प्राइमेट्स दिखाते हैं।" आलोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(c)
Approach: Critically examine the statement: describe the variety of Neogene primates in the Siwaliks by group, then weigh the problems (dating, fragmentary material, taxonomy, gaps) before concluding.
The Neogene (about 23 to 2.6 million years ago) was the age of ape diversification, and the Siwalik deposits of the Himalayan foothills, accumulating from about 18 million years, preserve one of the best Neogene records in Asia.
Variety: great apes, Sivapithecus (several species, about 12.5 to 8.5 million years, including the former Ramapithecus) and the giant Gigantopithecus (Indopithecus) bilaspurensis; small apes, Kapi ramnagarensis (2020) from Ramnagar and pliopithecoids such as Krishnapithecus; prosimians, the adapiform Sivaladapis and lorisids; and Old World monkeys in the later Siwaliks, macaques and Procynocephalus at Pinjor.
This range, from prosimians to giant apes, supports the statement and shows that South Asia was a centre of primate evolution and dispersal, including the origin of the orang-utan lineage.
Critical points: most fossils are isolated teeth and jaw fragments, so several species have been named and later merged (the Ramapithecus case); dating relies on magnetostratigraphy and fauna and is coarse in many Indian sections; Indian localities are less systematically excavated than Pakistan's Potwar plateau; and primates are rare after about 8 million years, when grasslands spread, leaving a gap before Pleistocene hominins.
The statement is therefore broadly valid, but the true diversity is probably smaller in species and larger in time span than early taxonomies suggested; new discoveries such as Kapi show that the record is still growing.
Question 7 (50 marks)
Q7(a) · Tribal Administration and Applied Anthropology · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Tribal Administration, Policies and PVTGs
Elucidate the shifting terrains of India's tribal policies in colonial and post-colonial periods.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
औपनिवेशिक और उत्तर-औपनिवेशिक काल में भारत की जनजातीय नीतियों के बदलते क्षेत्रों को स्पष्ट कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(a)
Approach: Elucidate the shifts in tribal policy: pre-colonial autonomy, colonial phases (control, exclusion, isolation), the independence debate (Elwin versus Ghurye), Nehruvian integration, and post-1990s rights-based and mission-mode approaches.
Tribal policy in India has moved through several 'terrains', from neglect and control to protection, integration and, more recently, rights.
Early colonial phase (control and extraction): the Permanent Settlement (1793) and the spread of landlords and moneylenders into tribal areas provoked revolts; after the Kol rebellion, Regulation XIII of 1833 created the South-West Frontier Agency, and after the Santal Hul the Santal Parganas district (1855) received special administration.
Exclusion and isolation: the Inner Line (Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation, 1873) and the Scheduled Districts Act (1874) set tribal tracts apart; the Government of India Act 1919 created 'backward tracts' and the 1935 Act 'excluded' and 'partially excluded' areas. Forest Acts (1865, 1878, 1927) meanwhile took control of forests.
Independence debate: Elwin first advocated protection, G.S. Ghurye (1943) called tribes 'backward Hindus' to be assimilated, and the Constituent Assembly, through the Thakkar and Bordoloi sub-committees, chose a middle path in the Fifth and Sixth Schedules.
Nehruvian integration: the tribal Panchsheel (1959) promised development along the lines of tribal genius; planning produced Special Multipurpose Tribal Blocks (1954) and the Tribal Sub-Plan (1974 to 1975), but large dams and industries also displaced tribals.
Rights-based turn: PESA (1996), the Forest Rights Act (2006), the Ministry of Tribal Affairs (1999) and the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (2004) recognised self-rule and historical injustice, while the Samatha (1997) and Niyamgiri (2013) judgments affirmed gram sabha consent.
Recent phase: mission-mode convergence for PVTGs and tribal villages (PM-JANMAN 2023, DAJGUA 2024) and the celebration of tribal heroes through Janjatiya Gaurav Divas, alongside continuing tension between mineral development and tribal rights.
Diagram: a timeline from 1833 to 2024 marking each policy phase: control, exclusion, integration, rights, mission-mode convergence.
The trajectory shows a shift from treating tribes as subjects to be controlled to recognising them as citizens with rights, though implementation lags behind policy.Q7(b) · Tribal Situation and Problems in India · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Development Projects, Displacement, Forest Policy and Tribals
Critically examine how the displacement of tribal communities due to hydroelectric river dam projects has affected the women in local context. Illustrate with suitable ethnographic examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
पनबिजली नदी बाँध परियोजनाओं के कारण आदिवासी समुदायों के विस्थापन ने स्थानीय सन्दर्भ में महिलाओं को कैसे प्रभावित किया है, इसका आलोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए। उपयुक्त नृवंशविज्ञान-सम्बन्धी उदाहरणों के साथ समझाइए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(b)
Approach: Explain why displacement is gendered, then analyse the effects on tribal women (land and compensation, commons and work, kinship and social support, health and violence, voice) with ethnographic examples from dam projects, and suggest gender-just rehabilitation.
Large dams such as Sardar Sarovar on the Narmada, Hirakud in Odisha and Polavaram in Andhra Pradesh have displaced many tribal communities; the World Commission on Dams (2000) noted that women bear a disproportionate share of the costs because compensation and planning treat the household head, usually a man, as the unit.
Land and compensation: rehabilitation packages gave land or cash to male heads and 'major sons', excluding adult daughters and often widows, as in the Narmada rehabilitation policy; women lost the customary use rights they had in tribal land.
Commons and work: tribal women depend on forests and rivers for fuel, fodder, water, food and minor forest produce; resettlement sites in the plains, as among the Bhil and Bhilala ousted by Sardar Sarovar, lack forests, so women walk further and lose income. Amita Baviskar's In the Belly of the River (1995) shows how the Bhilala way of life depended on the forest and river.
Kinship and support: scattering of villages breaks kin networks that supported childbirth, marriage and old age, and cash compensation often goes into liquor, raising domestic violence.
Yet women also led resistance, as in the Narmada Bachao Andolan. Gender-just rehabilitation requires land titles in women's names, recognition of commons, women's participation in planning, and livelihood support for women-headed households.Q7(c) · Religion and Tribes; Tribe and Nation State · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Tribe and Nation State
Elucidate the role of anthropology in nation building. Illustrate with suitable examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
राष्ट्र निर्माण में मानवविज्ञान की भूमिका को स्पष्ट कीजिए। उपयुक्त उदाहरणों के साथ समझाइए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(c)
Approach: Explain how anthropology has contributed to nation-building in India through knowledge of diversity, tribal policy, administration, identification of communities and conflict resolution, with named institutions, scholars and examples.
Nation-building is the process of creating shared identity, institutions and loyalty among diverse peoples. In a country of 4,635 communities (People of India project), anthropology has supplied the knowledge to build unity in diversity.
Knowledge of diversity: the Anthropological Survey of India (1945), the People of India project under K.S. Singh (from 1985) and Census ethnography documented communities, languages and customs, showing shared traits across regions.
Tribal policy: Verrier Elwin's work shaped Nehru's Panchsheel (1959) and the NEFA approach of integration without imposition; C. von Fürer-Haimendorf advised Hyderabad after the Gond rising (1940); these approaches drew frontier tribes into the nation by consent.
Constitutional design and identification: ethnographic inputs informed the Fifth and Sixth Schedules, the Lokur Committee's criteria for STs (1965) and PVTG identification; Tribal Research Institutes (Ranchi, 1953) assess claims.
Development: S.C. Dube's evaluation of Community Development (1958) and anthropological work on health and education adapted national programmes to local cultures.
Conflict and integration: studies of ethnicity and movements (Barth, K.S. Singh, Myron Weiner) informed accords such as the Mizo Accord (1986) and showed that recognition of identity reduces separatism.
Anthropology's lesson for nation-building is that unity grows from respecting diversity, not from enforcing uniformity.
Question 8 (50 marks)
Q8(a) · Tribal Situation and Problems in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Tribal Situation in India
Discuss the distribution of tribes in different geographical regions of India. Identify the distinct institutional features of tribal societies of these regions.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत के विभिन्न भौगोलिक क्षेत्रों में जनजातियों के वितरण की विवेचना कीजिए। इन क्षेत्रों के जनजातीय समाजों की विशिष्ट संस्थागत विशेषताओं की पहचान कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(a)
Approach: Use Vidyarthi's regional zones; for each give major tribes, Census-based distribution, and distinctive institutions (dormitories, councils, kinship, economy); add a distribution map and a brief conclusion.
India's 10.43 crore Scheduled Tribes (Census 2011) are unevenly distributed: Madhya Pradesh has the largest number (1.53 crore), while Mizoram, Nagaland, Meghalaya and Lakshadweep are tribal-majority. L.P. Vidyarthi and B.K. Rai (1976) grouped them into regional zones with distinct institutions.
Himalayan region: the north-east (Nagas, Mizos, Khasis, Garos, Bodos, Apatani, Adi) has village councils and chiefs, morung-type dormitories, clan exogamy, matriliny among the Khasi and Garo, terrace and jhum cultivation, widespread Christianity and Sixth Schedule autonomous councils. The north-west and central Himalaya (Gaddi, Bhotia, Kinnaura, Tharu) have transhumant pastoralism, trade and, among some, fraternal polyandry.
Middle India, the largest belt (Gond, Santal, Munda, Oraon, Ho, Baiga, Kondh), has patrilineal totemic clans, inter-village councils such as the Munda manki-munda and Oraon parha, youth dormitories (Muria ghotul, Oraon dhumkuria), sarna groves and a long history of interaction with castes and states; it is the main zone of land alienation and displacement.
Western India (Bhil, Mina, Warli, Dhodia, Garasia) has dispersed settlements (Bhil falias), close links with Rajput and Hindu society, and settled agriculture and labour. South India (Toda, Kota, Kurumba, Irula, Chenchu, Kadar, Paniyan) includes small food-gathering and pastoral groups, the Nilgiri exchange system and Toda polyandry.
Islands: the Andaman Negrito groups (Great Andamanese, Onge, Jarawa, Sentinelese) are hunter-gatherers in bands, while the Nicobarese practise coconut horticulture under clan-based households and the Shompen forage in Great Nicobar.
Diagram: an outline map of India shading the five zones, marking the north-east, the central Indian belt from Gujarat to Odisha and Jharkhand, the Western Ghats and Nilgiris, and the islands, with sample tribes labelled in each.
Regional institutional differences mean that tribal policy must be area-specific, as the Fifth and Sixth Schedules already recognise.Q8(b) · Anthropology in India · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Indian Anthropologists and Tribal and Caste Studies
Critically evaluate the contributions of S. C. Roy to Indian anthropology.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारतीय मानवविज्ञान में एस० सी० रॉय के योगदान का समालोचनात्मक मूल्यांकन कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(b)
Approach: 'Critically evaluate' needs both sides: present Roy's monographs, journal, legal advocacy and approach, then his limitations, and close with a balanced judgement.
Sarat Chandra Roy (1871–1942), a lawyer at Ranchi, is often called the father of Indian ethnography because he was the first Indian to produce a series of full monographs on tribes based on long residence among them.
Monographs: The Mundas and Their Country (1912), The Oraons of Chota Nagpur (1915), The Birhors (1925), Oraon Religion and Customs (1928), The Hill Bhuiyas of Orissa (1935) and The Kharias (1937) described economy, village organisation, youth dormitories, religion and customary law in rich detail.
Institution and advocacy: he founded Man in India in 1921, the first Indian anthropological journal, and as a lawyer used his knowledge of khuntkatti (original clearers') land rights to defend Munda tenants in court. He combined history, law and ethnography in a humanistic approach that treated tribals as people with their own history.
Limitations: his reconstructions of tribal migrations and origins were speculative and influenced by evolutionist and diffusionist ideas; his monographs were descriptive rather than analytical, lacking the functional and structural theory then emerging; and he sometimes saw tribes through a Hindu-civilisational lens.
Despite these limits, Roy turned ethnography into an Indian scholarly and advocacy tradition, and his books remain primary sources on Chotanagpur.Q8(c) · Weaker Sections, Ethnicity and Tribal Change · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Exploitation of SCs, STs and OBCs and Constitutional Safeguards
How are Other Backward Classes identified? Enumerating the important features, elucidate the recent changes in their social and economic life.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
अन्य पिछड़ा वर्ग की पहचान कैसे की जाती है? महत्त्वपूर्ण विशेषताओं की गणना करते हुए उनके सामाजिक और आर्थिक जीवन में हाल के परिवर्तनों को स्पष्ट कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(c)
Approach: Explain how OBCs are identified (commissions and criteria), list their main features as a category, and elucidate recent social and economic changes with examples.
Other Backward Classes are the socially and educationally backward classes recognised under Articles 15(4), 16(4) and 340.
Identification: the Mandal Commission used 11 weighted indicators: social (caste considered backward by others, dependence on manual labour, early marriage, women's work participation), educational (children never attending school, dropout, matriculation rates) and economic (family assets, kuccha houses, distance from drinking water, consumption loans). Today the National Commission for Backward Classes (Article 338B, 2018) and state commissions examine claims, and a creamy-layer income ceiling excludes the better-off.
Features: the category is extremely heterogeneous: landowning peasant castes such as Yadavs, Kurmis and Vokkaligas, artisan and service castes such as weavers, potters and barbers, and many non-Hindu groups such as the Muslim Ansaris; they were outside the twice-born ritual elite yet above untouchability.
Recent social changes: after the 1990 implementation of Mandal reservation, OBC political mobilisation transformed north Indian politics, a process Christophe Jaffrelot called a 'silent revolution'; Sanskritization has given way to assertion of backward-class identity.
Recent economic changes: dominant peasant OBCs gained from the Green Revolution and land reform, while artisan castes lost livelihoods to industrial goods; the Rohini Commission found that about a quarter of OBC communities took nearly all central benefits, so the Extremely Backward Classes now demand separate quotas.
OBCs thus show both mobility and internal inequality, so sub-categorisation and a current caste census are needed to target the most backward.
