International Relations · UPSC Notes
Regional and Multilateral Groupings — UPSC International Relations Notes
Free, exam-focused notes for UPSC Prelims and Mains, with Prelims tips and Mains points for every topic. 7 topics.
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Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and India
The SCO, founded in 2001 from the 'Shanghai Five', is a Eurasian political, security and economic grouping now of ten members. India joined as a full member with Pakistan in 2017. For India the SCO offers access to Central Asia, counter-terrorism cooperation through RATS, energy links and a platform with Russia and China—but its China-centric character, the presence of Pakistan and support for the BRI limit its value. The Tianjin summit (2025) condemned the Pahalgam attack, a diplomatic gain for India.
1. Origin and Structure
Shanghai Five (1996): China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, for border confidence-building; became the SCO with Uzbekistan on 15 June 2001; SCO Charter signed in 2002.
Members (10): China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, India and Pakistan (2017), Iran (2023) and Belarus (2024); observers and dialogue partners include Mongolia, Afghanistan and several Gulf states.
Bodies: Council of Heads of State (supreme body, annual summit), Council of Heads of Government, Secretariat in Beijing, Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) in Tashkent; official languages Russian and Chinese; decisions by consensus.
Goal: fight the 'three evils'—terrorism, separatism and extremism; it is not a military alliance.
2. Significance for India
Connect Central Asia: Energy (Kazakh uranium, Turkmen gas), trade via Chabahar and INSTC, and a counterweight to Chinese dominance in the region.
Security: Intelligence sharing through RATS, joint counter-terror exercises ('Peace Mission'), concerns over Afghanistan and drug trafficking.
Strategic balance: With BRICS, it shows India's multi-alignment; it offers a channel for India–China and India–Russia meetings at the top level.
3. India's Chairship and Positions
India chaired the SCO in 2023 (theme 'SECURE SCO') and hosted a virtual summit; it introduced new pillars such as startups, traditional medicine and digital public infrastructure.
India is the only member that consistently refuses to endorse China's Belt and Road Initiative in SCO documents because CPEC passes through PoK.
In June 2025 India declined to sign an SCO defence ministers' joint statement at Qingdao that omitted the Pahalgam attack.
4. Recent Summits
Tianjin (31 August–1 September 2025): PM Modi's first visit to China since 2018; the Tianjin Declaration strongly condemned the Pahalgam attack and called for perpetrators and sponsors to be brought to justice; members adopted a ten-year SCO Development Strategy.
Bishkek (1 September 2026): The 26th summit, under Kyrgyzstan's chairship, marked the SCO's 25th anniversary.
5. Challenges and Way Forward
China's dominance and Russia's growing dependence on China; Pakistan using the forum against India; anti-Western tilt that can clash with India's partnerships; weak economic delivery. India should use the SCO for Central Asian connectivity and counter-terrorism norms while resisting its use as an anti-Western bloc.
Practice
UPSC-style: Is the SCO more useful to India as a security forum or as a gateway to Central Asia? Examine.
| Feature | Details |
|---|---|
| Founded | 15 June 2001, Shanghai |
| Secretariat | Beijing |
| RATS headquarters | Tashkent |
| Members | 10 (latest: Iran 2023, Belarus 2024) |
| India's membership | Observer 2005; full member 2017 (Astana summit) |
| Official languages | Russian and Chinese |
Prelims tips
- SCO was established on 15 June 2001 in Shanghai; its Secretariat is in Beijing.
- SCO's Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) is headquartered in Tashkent.
- India and Pakistan became full members at the Astana summit (2017).
- Iran (2023) and Belarus (2024) are the newest SCO members.
- India's 2023 SCO chairship theme was 'SECURE SCO'.
- The 2025 SCO summit was held in Tianjin, China.
Mains points
- The SCO is India's main institutional link to Central Asia, a region of energy and strategic depth where India lacks direct land access.
- India's refusal to endorse the BRI inside the SCO shows that membership does not mean compromise on sovereignty.
- Getting Pahalgam condemned in the Tianjin Declaration shows India can shape SCO counter-terror language despite Pakistan's presence.
- Membership of both the SCO and the Quad embodies India's multi-alignment, but India must avoid the SCO becoming an anti-Western platform.
Did you know?
- The SCO covers about 40% of the world's population, making it the largest regional organisation by population and area.
- India and Pakistan troops have taken part together in SCO 'Peace Mission' counter-terror exercises.
BRICS: Expansion, New Development Bank and India's 2026 Chairship
BRICS began as an investment acronym (BRIC, 2001) and became a summit-level grouping of major emerging economies in 2009; South Africa joined in 2010. It created the New Development Bank and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement (2014) and expanded in 2024–25 to include Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, the UAE and Indonesia (Saudi Arabia's status remains ambiguous), plus a category of partner countries. India chaired BRICS in 2026 and hosted the 18th summit in New Delhi (12–13 September 2026), pushing reform of global governance while opposing de-dollarisation as an anti-Western agenda.
1. Evolution
Goldman Sachs economist Jim O'Neill coined 'BRIC' (2001); foreign ministers met in 2006; first summit at Yekaterinburg (2009); South Africa joined in 2010 (first attended 2011).
Chairship rotates annually in the order B-R-I-C-S; India chaired in 2012, 2016, 2021 and 2026.
2. Institutions
New Development Bank (NDB): Agreed at Fortaleza (2014), headquartered in Shanghai, with an Indian (K.V. Kamath) as first president; equal shareholding among founders; finances infrastructure and sustainable development, including in local currencies.
Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA): A $100 billion pool to help members facing balance-of-payments pressure.
Other initiatives: BRICS Vaccine R&D Centre, startup forum, cooperation on payment systems, agriculture and space (remote sensing satellite constellation).
3. Expansion ('BRICS Plus')
The Johannesburg summit (2023) invited six countries; Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the UAE joined from January 2024, Argentina declined, and Saudi Arabia has not clearly confirmed; Indonesia joined in 2025.
The Kazan summit (2024) created a 'partner country' category. India supported expansion through agreed criteria and consensus, wary of the bloc becoming China-led.
4. India's 2026 Chairship
India took over from Brazil on 1 January 2026 with the theme 'Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability'; the 18th summit was held at Bharat Mandapam, New Delhi (12–13 September 2026), and leaders adopted a New Delhi declaration on cooperation in global governance, development, technology and sustainability.
5. Significance and Limits for India
Benefits: Voice for the Global South on IMF/World Bank quota reform and UN reform; NDB finance for Indian projects; a platform to engage Russia and China; trade in local currencies.
Limits: India–China rivalry, members' divergent interests, China's economic weight, and the risk of BRICS being seen as anti-Western—India has stated that it does not seek de-dollarisation and has not backed a common BRICS currency.
Practice
UPSC-style: Does the expansion of BRICS strengthen or dilute India's position in the grouping? Discuss in the context of India's 2026 chairship.
| Summit | Year | Highlight |
|---|---|---|
| 4th, New Delhi | 2012 | Idea of a BRICS development bank proposed |
| 8th, Goa | 2016 | Focus on terrorism; BIMSTEC outreach |
| 13th, virtual | 2021 | BRICS at 15; counter-terrorism action plan |
| 18th, New Delhi | 2026 | First summit hosted by India after expansion |
Prelims tips
- The first BRIC summit was held at Yekaterinburg, Russia, in 2009.
- The New Development Bank is headquartered in Shanghai; its first president was K.V. Kamath.
- The Contingent Reserve Arrangement has a total size of $100 billion.
- Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the UAE joined BRICS in January 2024; Indonesia joined in 2025.
- India hosted the 18th BRICS summit in New Delhi on 12–13 September 2026.
Mains points
- BRICS reflects the demand of emerging economies for a fairer share in global governance, but internal divisions limit its ability to act as a bloc.
- Expansion increases BRICS's weight in energy and population, but adds members with sharp anti-Western positions, complicating India's balancing.
- The NDB is a concrete success, but it remains small compared with the World Bank and must avoid becoming a vehicle for Chinese influence.
- India positions BRICS as 'non-Western, not anti-Western', using it alongside the Quad and G20 to bridge North and South.
Did you know?
- The term BRIC first appeared in a 2001 Goldman Sachs paper titled 'Building Better Global Economic BRICs'.
- The idea of a BRICS bank was first proposed at the New Delhi summit in 2012.
G20 and India's Presidency (2023): Outcomes and Legacy
The G20—19 countries, the EU and, since 2023, the African Union—accounts for about 85% of world GDP, 75% of trade and two-thirds of the population. Created in 1999 as a finance ministers' forum, it was raised to leaders' level in 2008. India's presidency (December 2022–November 2023), under the theme 'Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam—One Earth, One Family, One Future', produced a consensus New Delhi Leaders' Declaration, AU membership and initiatives on digital public infrastructure, MDB reform and green development. Since then the G20 has faced strain: the US boycotted the Johannesburg summit (2025) and holds the 2026 presidency.
1. Origin and Working
Formed after the Asian financial crisis (1997–98); the first leaders' summit was held in Washington (2008) during the global financial crisis.
No permanent secretariat; a rotating presidency supported by a troika (past, present and next presidents); two tracks—the Sherpa track and the Finance track—plus engagement groups (B20, Y20, C20 and others).
2. India's Presidency (2023): Key Outcomes
New Delhi Leaders' Declaration adopted by consensus despite divisions over the Ukraine war—seen as a diplomatic success.
African Union admitted as a permanent member—making the G20 more representative of the Global South.
Digital public infrastructure (DPI) framework and a global DPI repository; Green Development Pact and LiFE principles; call to triple renewable energy capacity.
Multilateral development bank reform (independent expert group report), debt treatment for vulnerable countries, crypto-asset roadmap, and the launch of the Global Biofuels Alliance and the India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) on the sidelines.
A 'people's G20': over 200 meetings in about 60 cities across all states and UTs; the Voice of the Global South summit fed developing-country priorities into the agenda.
3. After India: The Global South Sequence
Four consecutive Global South presidencies—Indonesia (2022), India (2023), Brazil (2024) and South Africa (2025).
Johannesburg (November 2025): The first G20 summit in Africa; the US boycotted it, but the other members adopted a leaders' declaration on climate, debt and solidarity.
2026: The US holds the presidency (summit planned in Miami); President Trump said South Africa would not be invited—raising questions about the forum's inclusiveness.
4. Challenges
Non-binding decisions and weak implementation; great-power rivalry (Ukraine, US–China); a crowded agenda; and the risk of fragmentation as members pursue unilateral tariffs and sanctions.
Practice
UPSC-style: 'India's G20 presidency made the grouping more representative of the Global South.' Evaluate with reference to its outcomes.
| Year | Presidency | Summit venue |
|---|---|---|
| 2022 | Indonesia | Bali |
| 2023 | India | New Delhi (Bharat Mandapam) |
| 2024 | Brazil | Rio de Janeiro |
| 2025 | South Africa | Johannesburg |
| 2026 | United States | Miami (planned) |
Prelims tips
- The G20 was formed in 1999; its first leaders' summit was in Washington in 2008.
- The African Union became a permanent G20 member at the New Delhi summit (2023).
- India's G20 theme: 'Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam—One Earth, One Family, One Future'.
- The G20 has no permanent secretariat; it works through a troika.
- The Global Biofuels Alliance and IMEC were launched on the sidelines of the New Delhi G20 summit (2023).
Mains points
- India used the presidency to brand itself as a bridge between the Global North and South, securing consensus when the grouping was deeply divided.
- AU membership corrected a representational gap and strengthened India's ties with Africa.
- Promoting DPI exported India's development model (Aadhaar, UPI) as a global public good.
- The 2025 US boycott shows that the G20's value depends on great-power commitment; India should defend its inclusive, development-focused agenda.
Did you know?
- Bharat Mandapam at Pragati Maidan, New Delhi, hosted the 2023 G20 leaders' summit.
- India's G20 logo combined a lotus with the Earth, symbolising growth amid challenges.
ASEAN and India's Act East Policy
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), founded by the Bangkok Declaration (1967), is central to India's Act East Policy and its Indo-Pacific vision of 'ASEAN centrality'. India moved from sectoral partner (1992) to dialogue partner (1996), summit partner (2002), strategic partner (2012) and Comprehensive Strategic Partner (2022). Trade is governed by the ASEAN–India Trade in Goods Agreement (AITIGA, 2009), now under review because of India's widening deficit; 2026 is the ASEAN–India Year of Maritime Cooperation.
1. About ASEAN
Founded on 8 August 1967 by Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand; later joined by Brunei, Vietnam, Laos, Myanmar and Cambodia (10 members); Secretariat in Jakarta.
Works by consensus and non-interference ('ASEAN Way'); runs wider forums—East Asia Summit (2005), ASEAN Regional Forum (1994) and ADMM-Plus—in all of which India participates.
2. From Look East to Act East
Look East (1991): Economic engagement with Southeast Asia after liberalisation.
Act East (2014): Wider in scope (security, connectivity, culture) and geography (Japan, Korea, Australia, Pacific Islands); the '3Cs'—Commerce, Connectivity, Culture—and a special focus on the Northeast as the gateway.
3. Economic Engagement
AITIGA (signed 2009, in force 2010) plus a services and investment agreement (2014); ASEAN is among India's largest trading partners, but India's trade deficit has grown sharply.
India's concerns—rules-of-origin misuse (Chinese goods routed via ASEAN), non-tariff barriers—led to a review launched in 2023; PM Modi called for its early conclusion at the 22nd ASEAN–India Summit (Kuala Lumpur, October 2025, attended virtually).
India walked out of RCEP (2019) over fears of Chinese imports and inadequate safeguards.
4. Strategic and Security Cooperation
Support for freedom of navigation and UNCLOS in the South China Sea; defence ties with Vietnam, Indonesia, Singapore and the Philippines (BrahMos missile export, 2022); first ASEAN–India maritime exercise (2023).
India's Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (2019) aligns with the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (2019).
5. Connectivity and Culture
Trilateral Highway and Kaladan through Myanmar; Mekong–Ganga Cooperation (2000); Nalanda University; restoration of Angkor Wat, Ta Prohm (Cambodia) and My Son (Vietnam) temples; ASEAN–India scholarships. At the 2025 summit India announced a Centre for Southeast Asian Studies at Nalanda University.
6. Challenges and Way Forward
ASEAN's internal divisions over China and Myanmar, delays in connectivity projects, and India's trade imbalance. India should conclude the AITIGA review, finish the Trilateral Highway, deepen maritime and digital cooperation (UPI links with Singapore and others), and make the Northeast a production hub linked to Southeast Asia.
Practice
UPSC-style: 'Act East is more than Look East with a new name.' Discuss with reference to India–ASEAN relations.
| Year | Status |
|---|---|
| 1992 | Sectoral dialogue partner |
| 1996 | Full dialogue partner; ARF member |
| 2002 | Annual summit-level partnership |
| 2012 | Strategic partnership |
| 2022 | Comprehensive Strategic Partnership |
Prelims tips
- ASEAN was founded by the Bangkok Declaration on 8 August 1967; its Secretariat is in Jakarta.
- Look East Policy was launched in 1991 and upgraded to Act East in 2014.
- The ASEAN–India Trade in Goods Agreement was signed in 2009 and came into force in 2010.
- India–ASEAN ties were elevated to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in 2022.
- 2026 is the ASEAN–India Year of Maritime Cooperation.
- Mekong–Ganga Cooperation (2000) includes India, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam.
Mains points
- ASEAN centrality is the cornerstone of India's Indo-Pacific vision, distinguishing it from a purely military, China-containment approach.
- The AITIGA experience shows that FTAs without domestic competitiveness can widen deficits; the review must fix rules of origin.
- Act East can transform the Northeast from a periphery into a hub, but only if connectivity through Myanmar and Bangladesh is secured.
- Maritime cooperation (2026 focus) gives India a role in the South China Sea debate without direct confrontation with China.
- Shared Buddhist and Hindu heritage is a soft-power asset that complements trade and security.
Did you know?
- Angkor Wat in Cambodia, the world's largest religious monument, was restored with help from the Archaeological Survey of India.
- Leaders of all ten ASEAN countries were chief guests together at India's Republic Day parade in 2018.
BIMSTEC and SAARC: Regionalism in South Asia
SAARC (1985) was meant to integrate South Asia but has been paralysed since 2016, when its Islamabad summit was cancelled after the Uri attack; India–Pakistan hostility blocks consensus. India has therefore turned to BIMSTEC (1997), which links five South Asian and two Southeast Asian countries around the Bay of Bengal and excludes Pakistan. BIMSTEC adopted its Charter (2022) and, at its 6th summit in Bangkok (April 2025), the Bangkok Vision 2030 and a maritime transport agreement—yet both groupings still suffer from weak trade integration.
1. SAARC
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, founded at Dhaka (8 December 1985); 8 members—India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Afghanistan (joined 2007); Secretariat in Kathmandu.
Charter excludes bilateral and contentious issues; decisions by unanimity. Achievements: SAFTA (signed 2004, in force 2006), SAARC Food Bank, South Asian University (New Delhi), SAARC Development Fund, currency swap framework, and India's South Asia Satellite (2017).
Stagnation: The last summit was in Kathmandu (2014); the 19th summit (Islamabad, 2016) was cancelled after India and others pulled out following Uri. Intra-regional trade remains about 5% of the region's total trade—among the lowest in the world.
Pakistan blocked the SAARC motor vehicles and railway agreements (2014), which pushed India towards sub-regional formats such as BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal).
2. BIMSTEC
Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation, formed by the Bangkok Declaration (1997) as BIST-EC; Myanmar joined in 1997, Nepal and Bhutan in 2004. Members: Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Thailand; Secretariat in Dhaka.
A bridge between Neighbourhood First and Act East; the region holds about a fifth of the world's population. Cooperation was streamlined into seven sectors, with India leading security (counter-terrorism, disaster management, energy).
5th summit (Colombo, virtual, 2022): BIMSTEC Charter adopted, giving it legal personality; Master Plan for Transport Connectivity.
6th summit (Bangkok, 4 April 2025): Bangkok Vision 2030 for a 'Prosperous, Resilient and Open' BIMSTEC; Agreement on Maritime Transport Cooperation; report of the Eminent Persons' Group on future direction.
3. Limitations of BIMSTEC
Infrequent summits (only six since 1997), a small secretariat, an FTA framework (2004) still not concluded, and instability in Myanmar and Bangladesh.
4. Way Forward
Conclude the BIMSTEC FTA and coastal shipping, energy grid interconnection and motor vehicle agreements; strengthen the secretariat; use BIMSTEC for disaster response and the blue economy; keep SAARC's people-centred institutions (SAU, Food Bank) alive for future revival.
Practice
UPSC-style: Is BIMSTEC a substitute for SAARC or a complement to it? Discuss in the context of India's regional strategy.
| Feature | SAARC | BIMSTEC |
|---|---|---|
| Founded | 1985, Dhaka | 1997, Bangkok |
| Members | 8 (includes Pakistan, Afghanistan) | 7 (includes Myanmar, Thailand) |
| Secretariat | Kathmandu | Dhaka |
| Trade pact | SAFTA (in force 2006) | FTA framework (2004), not concluded |
| Last summit | Kathmandu, 2014 | Bangkok, 2025 |
Prelims tips
- SAARC Secretariat is in Kathmandu; BIMSTEC Secretariat is in Dhaka.
- Afghanistan became SAARC's eighth member in 2007.
- BIMSTEC has two Southeast Asian members: Myanmar and Thailand.
- SAFTA was signed at the Islamabad summit (2004) and came into force in 2006.
- The 6th BIMSTEC summit in Bangkok (2025) adopted the Bangkok Vision 2030.
- South Asian University is located in New Delhi.
Mains points
- SAARC's failure shows how a single bilateral conflict can hold an entire region hostage when decisions require unanimity.
- BIMSTEC aligns India's Neighbourhood First and Act East policies and gives the Northeast access to the Bay of Bengal economy.
- Low intra-regional trade reflects high tariffs, poor connectivity and political mistrust rather than lack of complementarity.
- India, as the largest member, must bear asymmetric costs (Gujral-style) to make regional institutions work.
Did you know?
- BIMSTEC's original name, BIST-EC, stood for Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka and Thailand Economic Cooperation.
- India invited BIMSTEC leaders to the 2016 BRICS outreach in Goa and to the 2019 swearing-in ceremony.
Indian Ocean Groupings: IORA, IONS, Colombo Security Conclave and the Quad
The Indian Ocean carries a large share of the world's oil and container trade through chokepoints such as Hormuz, Bab-el-Mandeb and Malacca. India's vision of being a net security provider—SAGAR (2015), expanded to MAHASAGAR (2025)—works through several layers: the economic Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), which India chairs for 2025–27; the naval Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS); the sub-regional Colombo Security Conclave; the Information Fusion Centre (IFC-IOR); and the wider Indo-Pacific Quad.
1. Why the Indian Ocean Matters
India's long coastline, island territories (Andaman & Nicobar, Lakshadweep) and large EEZ; most of India's trade by volume and much of its energy imports come by sea.
Threats: piracy (Gulf of Aden), Houthi attacks in the Red Sea, illegal fishing, drug and arms trafficking, climate disasters, and Chinese naval and research-vessel presence with bases such as Djibouti.
2. Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA)
Launched in 1997 (Mauritius), Secretariat at Ebene, Mauritius; 23 member states and several dialogue partners; the only pan-Indian Ocean ministerial body.
Priority areas include maritime safety and security, trade and investment, fisheries, disaster risk management, academic and tourism cooperation, science and technology, and the blue economy (a cross-cutting focus); gender equality is also a cross-cutting issue.
India, vice-chair during Sri Lanka's term (2023–25), took over the chairship for 2025–27, aiming to strengthen IORA's institutional framework.
3. Security Mechanisms
IONS (2008): An Indian Navy initiative bringing together navies of Indian Ocean littoral states for dialogue on maritime security and HADR.
Colombo Security Conclave: Grew out of the India–Sri Lanka–Maldives trilateral (2011) on maritime security; members include India, Sri Lanka, the Maldives and Mauritius, with a secretariat in Colombo; pillars cover maritime security, terrorism, trafficking, cyber security and disaster relief.
IFC-IOR (Gurugram, 2018): Shares maritime domain awareness with partner countries through liaison officers; complemented by white-shipping agreements and coastal radar chains in island states.
Indian Navy's mission-based deployments, anti-piracy patrols since 2008, and HADR missions establish India as the region's first responder.
4. The Quad in the Indian Ocean Context
India, the US, Japan and Australia; revived in 2017 and raised to leaders' level in 2021; its agenda (vaccines, critical technologies, maritime domain awareness through IPMDA, HADR) complements India's regional role. (Details in the Indo-Pacific and Quad topic.)
India hosted the Quad foreign ministers in New Delhi on 26 May 2026, but the leaders' summit India was due to host had not taken place as of October 2026 amid strains in India–US ties.
5. Way Forward
Use the IORA chairship to deliver on the blue economy and disaster resilience; build capacity of island states; expand hydrography and MDA cooperation; and keep a mix of inclusive (IORA) and like-minded (Quad) formats so that the region does not see India's role as bloc politics.
Practice
UPSC-style: Discuss the role of regional institutions in India's ambition to be a net security provider in the Indian Ocean Region.
| Body | Year | Nature | India's role |
|---|---|---|---|
| IORA | 1997 | Economic and ministerial forum | Chair 2025–27 |
| IONS | 2008 | Naval dialogue | Founder (Indian Navy) |
| IFC-IOR | 2018 | Maritime information sharing | Host (Gurugram) |
| Colombo Security Conclave | 2011 (trilateral); renamed 2020 | Sub-regional security | Founding member |
| Quad | 2007; revived 2017 | Indo-Pacific partnership | Member |
Prelims tips
- IORA's Secretariat is at Ebene, Mauritius; India chairs IORA for 2025–27.
- IONS was launched by the Indian Navy in 2008.
- The Information Fusion Centre–Indian Ocean Region is in Gurugram.
- SAGAR = Security and Growth for All in the Region (2015); MAHASAGAR announced in Mauritius in 2025.
- China's first overseas military base is at Djibouti, near the Bab-el-Mandeb strait.
Mains points
- Layered regionalism—economic (IORA), naval (IONS), sub-regional (CSC) and strategic (Quad)—lets India lead without appearing hegemonic.
- IORA is weak in resources and implementation; India's chairship is an opportunity to give it a stronger secretariat and project funding.
- Maritime domain awareness is the foundation of security; information sharing builds trust with small island states.
- The stalled Quad leaders' summit shows India must not rely on any single grouping; regional institutions give continuity when great-power ties fluctuate.
Did you know?
- The Indian Ocean is the only ocean named after a country.
- IORA's members stretch from South Africa to Australia, across three continents.
India, the G7 and the European Union
The G7—the US, Japan, Germany, the UK, France, Italy and Canada, with the EU—is the club of advanced democracies; India is a regular outreach invitee, reflecting its weight as a major economy and Global South voice. The European Union, a strategic partner since 2004, is among India's largest trade and investment partners. Relations gained momentum with the Trade and Technology Council (2022) and the conclusion of the long-delayed India–EU Free Trade Agreement (27 January 2026), though issues such as CBAM and data rules remain.
1. The G7
Originated as the G6 at Rambouillet (1975) after the oil shock; Canada joined in 1976; Russia's inclusion made it the G8 (1997) until its suspension after the annexation of Crimea (2014). The EU attends as a 'non-enumerated' member; no secretariat—presidency rotates annually.
India has been invited to G7 outreach sessions many times since 2003 (Evian); outreach themes include climate, energy security, food security, AI and resilient supply chains.
Significance: access to technology, investment and the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII); a chance to present Global South concerns. Limits: G7 positions on Russia sanctions and price caps can conflict with India's energy interests.
2. India–EU Relations: Evolution
Diplomatic relations with the European Economic Community from the early 1960s; first India–EU summit in Lisbon (2000); Strategic Partnership (2004); Roadmap to 2025 adopted in 2020.
Trade and Technology Council (TTC), announced in 2022—the EU's second after the US—covers strategic technologies, digital governance, clean energy and supply chains.
3. The India–EU FTA
Negotiations on a Broad-based Trade and Investment Agreement began in 2007 and stalled around 2013 over tariffs on cars and wines, services mobility and data adequacy; talks were relaunched in 2022 together with separate investment protection and geographical indications agreements.
The FTA was concluded on 27 January 2026 in New Delhi; legal scrubbing was completed by mid-2026, with signature targeted for the end of 2026 and entry into force expected after ratification by both sides (as of October 2026).
Expected gains: market access for labour-intensive Indian exports (textiles, leather, gems, marine products), investment in manufacturing and green technology, and diversification away from dependence on any single market.
4. Irritants
CBAM (carbon border tax on steel, aluminium, cement, fertilisers) and the EU Deforestation Regulation; India not yet granted GDPR 'data adequacy'; differing views on Russia and Ukraine; EU concerns on human rights and labour standards.
5. Strategic Convergence
Shared interest in a rules-based Indo-Pacific (EU Indo-Pacific strategy), de-risking from China, connectivity (EU Global Gateway, IMEC), clean energy and green hydrogen, and maritime security (joint naval exercises, EU's Operation Atalanta against piracy).
Practice
UPSC-style: 'The India–EU FTA is as much a strategic as an economic agreement.' Discuss in the context of global trade uncertainty.
| Year | Milestone |
|---|---|
| 2000 | First India–EU summit (Lisbon) |
| 2004 | Strategic Partnership |
| 2007 | FTA (BTIA) negotiations begin |
| 2022 | FTA talks relaunched; TTC announced |
| 2026 | FTA concluded (27 January) |
Prelims tips
- G7 members: US, UK, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Canada (EU also participates).
- Russia was suspended from the G8 in 2014 after annexing Crimea.
- India–EU Strategic Partnership dates from 2004; the first summit was in 2000.
- India–EU Trade and Technology Council was announced in 2022.
- The India–EU FTA was concluded on 27 January 2026 after talks that began in 2007.
Mains points
- With US tariffs and Chinese overcapacity reshaping trade, the EU FTA gives India a large, rules-based market and reduces over-dependence on any partner.
- CBAM could offset tariff gains for Indian steel and aluminium; India needs carbon pricing and green-industry transition to stay competitive.
- G7 outreach recognises India as an indispensable partner on climate, supply chains and the Global South, without requiring India to join Western positions on Russia.
- India–EU convergence on technology and connectivity (TTC, IMEC) can offer alternatives to Chinese supply chains and the BRI.
Did you know?
- The first G6 summit at Rambouillet Castle near Paris in 1975 was convened after the 1973 oil crisis.
- The India–EU FTA talks took nearly two decades—among the longest trade negotiations India has conducted.