UPSC Mains 2017 History Optional Question Papers with Model Answers
All 52 questions of the 2017 Civil Services Main Examination, History Paper I and History Paper II, with marks and a suggested time per part. Solve each part on paper first, then open the model answer, or send it to answer-writing practice for evaluation.
UPSC Mains 2017 History Paper I
Question 1 (50 marks)
Q1 · Historical Sites for the Map Question · 50 marks≈ 36 min
How to Prepare the Map Question
Identify the following places marked on the map supplied to you and write a short note of about 30 words on each of them in your Question-cum-Answer Booklet. Locational hints for each of the places marked on the map are given below seriatim. (i) A Prehistoric cave-paintings’ site; (ii) A Neolithic-Chalcolithic site; (iii) An Early Harappan site; (iv) A Harappan site; (v) An ancient capital city; (vi) A Painted grey ware site; (vii) A Neolithic site; (viii) A site of Ashokan inscriptions; (ix) An ancient port and trade centre; (x) A Harappan site; (xi) A Chalcolithic site; (xii) An ancient capital city; (xiii) A Rock-cut cave site; (xiv) An early fortified city; (xv) A Rock-cut temple site; (xvi) An ancient temple site; (xvii) An ancient capital city; (xviii) An ancient temple site; (xix) A Palaeolithic site; (xx) An ancient capital city.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
आपको दिए गए मानचित्र पर अंकित निम्नलिखित स्थानों की पहचान कीजिए एवं अपनी प्रश्न-सह-उत्तर पुस्तिका में उनमें से प्रत्येक पर लगभग 30 शब्दों की संक्षिप्त टिप्पणी लिखिये। मानचित्र पर अंकित प्रत्येक स्थान के लिए स्थान-निर्धारण संकेत क्रमानुसार नीचे दिए गए हैं। (i) एक प्रागैतिहासिक गुहाचित्र स्थल; (ii) एक नवपाषाण-ताम्रपाषाणयुगीन स्थल; (iii) एक आरम्भिक हड़प्पाकालीन स्थल; (iv) एक हड़प्पाकालीन स्थल; (v) एक प्राचीन राजधानी; (vi) एक चित्रित धूसर मृद्भांड स्थल; (vii) एक नवपाषाण स्थल; (viii) अशोक के अभिलेखों का एक स्थल; (ix) एक प्राचीन बन्दरगाह एवं व्यापार केन्द्र; (x) एक हड़प्पाकालीन स्थल; (xi) एक ताम्रपाषाणकालीन स्थल; (xii) एक प्राचीन राजधानी; (xiii) एक शैल-खनित गुहा स्थल; (xiv) एक आरम्भिक क़िलाबन्द नगर; (xv) एक शैल-खनित मन्दिर स्थल; (xvi) एक प्राचीन मन्दिर स्थल; (xvii) एक प्राचीन राजधानी; (xviii) एक प्राचीन मन्दिर स्थल; (xix) एक पुरापाषाण स्थल; (xx) एक प्राचीन राजधानी.
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1 (20 places, 2.5 marks each)
Approach: Identify each marked place from its clue and its position on the map, then write about 30 words on it: where it is, its period, and what was found or what happened there.
(i) A Prehistoric cave-paintings’ site: Bhimbetka, Madhya Pradesh — Vindhyan rock shelters in Raisen district with paintings from the Mesolithic onwards of hunting, dancing and animals; discovered by V.S. Wakankar (1957); a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
(ii) A Neolithic-Chalcolithic site: Hallur, Karnataka — Neolithic-Chalcolithic site on the Tungabhadra in Haveri district, excavated by M.S. Nagaraja Rao (1965); early iron objects (c. 1000 BCE) and reported horse bones; a key site for dating iron in south India.
(iii) An Early Harappan site: Banawali, Haryana — Fatehabad district site with an Early Harappan (Kalibangan I type) phase below a planned Mature Harappan town; excavated by R.S. Bisht (1974–77); finds include a terracotta plough model and a radial street plan.
(iv) A Harappan site: Amri, Sindh, Pakistan — on the Indus in Jamshoro district, excavated by N.G. Majumdar (1929) and J.-M. Casal; its pre-Harappan Amri culture lies below Mature Harappan levels; it gives its name to the Amri-Nal ceramic tradition (identification from the map uncertain; other sites matching the clue: Chanhudaro, Kot Diji).
(v) An ancient capital city: Sirpur, Chhattisgarh — Sripura on the Mahanadi, capital of the Panduvamshis of Dakshina Kosala (7th–8th century); brick Lakshmana temple and Buddhist viharas; Queen Vasata, mother of Mahashivagupta Balarjuna, built the Lakshmana temple.
(vi) A Painted grey ware site: Ahichhatra, Uttar Pradesh — north Panchala capital in Bareilly district; Painted Grey Ware at the base, then Kushan and Gupta levels with terracottas and a brick temple; excavated by the ASI in 1940–44.
(vii) A Neolithic site: Burzahom, Jammu and Kashmir — Neolithic site in the Kashmir valley; people lived in pits, used bone tools and harvesters, buried dogs with their masters; a stone slab shows a hunting scene.
(viii) A site of Ashokan inscriptions: Brahmagiri, Karnataka — in Chitradurga district; an Ashokan minor rock edict, found by B.L. Rice (1891), with nearby copies at Siddapura and Jatinga-Rameshwara; Wheeler excavated its megaliths (1947).
(ix) An ancient port and trade centre: Bharuch (Barygaza), Gujarat — port at the Narmada mouth; the Periplus calls it Barygaza, the chief port of western India in the Roman trade, exporting cloth, spices and gems.
(x) A Harappan site: Padri, Gujarat — Harappan site in Bhavnagar district on the western shore of the Gulf of Khambhat, excavated by Vasant Shinde (1990s); a pre-Harappan Padri ware phase precedes Harappan levels, with evidence of salt making and a painted jar showing a horned figure (identification from the map uncertain; other sites matching the clue: Rangpur, Lothal).
(xi) A Chalcolithic site: Pandu Rajar Dhibi, West Bengal — Chalcolithic site on the Ajay river in Purba Bardhaman district, excavated by P.C. Dasgupta (1960s); black-and-red ware, copper objects and rice farming; it gave the first evidence of a Chalcolithic culture in Bengal.
(xii) An ancient capital city: Rajgir (Rajagriha), Bihar — first capital of Magadha under Bimbisara and Ajatashatru, ringed by a stone Cyclopean wall; the First Buddhist Council met at the Saptaparni cave; Ajatashatru's son Udayin later shifted the capital to Pataliputra.
(xiii) A Rock-cut cave site: Ellora, Maharashtra — 34 rock-cut caves (c. 6th–10th century) of Buddhist, Hindu and Jain faiths; the Kailasa temple (Cave 16) was carved under the Rashtrakuta Krishna I; a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1983 (identification from the map uncertain; other sites matching the clue: Ajanta, Aurangabad caves).
(xiv) An early fortified city: Sisupalgarh, Odisha — fortified early historic city near Bhubaneswar (c. 3rd century BCE–4th century CE) with a square rampart and gateways, excavated by B.B. Lal (1948); often identified with Kalinganagari.
(xv) A Rock-cut temple site: Masroor, Himachal Pradesh — monolithic rock-cut temples of the Nagara style (c. 8th century) carved from a sandstone ridge in Kangra district, often compared with Ellora; damaged by the 1905 earthquake.
(xvi) An ancient temple site: Deogarh, Uttar Pradesh — on the Betwa in Lalitpur district; the Gupta Dashavatara temple (c. 6th century), an early temple with a shikhara, has panels of Vishnu on Shesha and Gajendramoksha.
(xvii) An ancient capital city: Amaravati (Dhanyakataka), Andhra Pradesh — Dhanyakataka on the Krishna served as a Satavahana capital; its great stupa with limestone reliefs gave the Amaravati school of art; many of its reliefs are now in museums at Chennai and London.
(xviii) An ancient temple site: Pushkar, Rajasthan — sacred lake town in Ajmer district with the Brahma temple; already a pilgrimage centre in the Nashik cave inscription of Ushavadata (1st–2nd century CE); its Kartik fair draws pilgrims and camel traders.
(xix) A Palaeolithic site: Attirampakkam, Tamil Nadu — Lower and Middle Palaeolithic site in Tiruvallur district; Acheulian handaxes dated to about 1.5 million years ago (2011) and Middle Palaeolithic tools of about 385,000 years ago (2018).
(xx) An ancient capital city: Pragjyotishpura (Guwahati), Assam — capital of Kamarupa on the Brahmaputra, ruled by the Varman dynasty; Bhaskaravarman allied with Harsha and hosted Xuanzang (7th century); later Mlechchha and Pala kings ruled the region.
Question 2 (50 marks)
Q2(a) · Sources, Prehistory and the Indus Civilization · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Archaeological Sources: Excavation, Epigraphy, Numismatics and Monuments
Art and culture are reflected to a far greater extent than political history in the epigraphic sources. Comment.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
पुरालेखीय स्रोतों में राजनीतिक इतिहास की अपेक्षा कला और संस्कृति कहीं अधिक सीमा तक प्रतिबिम्बित हैं। टिप्पणी कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(a)
Approach: Weigh the statement: show the rich cultural content of inscriptions (donations, temples, literature, music, guilds), then show that many inscriptions are primarily political, and reach a balanced verdict.
Epigraphy, the study of inscriptions on rock, pillar, copper plate and temple wall, is the most contemporary source for early India. Whether it reflects culture more than political history depends on which class of inscriptions we read.
Art and culture: the hundreds of donative records at Sanchi and Bharhut name monks, nuns, guilds and women who paid for railings and gateways, revealing the social base of Buddhist art. The Mandasor inscription of the silk weavers' guild records the building and repair of a Sun temple in polished Sanskrit verse by Vatsabhatti.
Inscriptions are also literature: Rudradaman's Junagadh record (c. 150 CE) is an early specimen of ornate Sanskrit prose, and Harishena's Allahabad prashasti is kavya in its own right. The Kudumiyamalai inscription in Pudukkottai preserves a text on music.
Political history: yet the core of many inscriptions is political. Ashoka's edicts reveal his dhamma policy and the Kalinga war; the Allahabad pillar lists Samudragupta's conquests; the Aihole inscription records Pulakeshin II's victory over Harsha; the Rabatak inscription gives the Kushana genealogy. Copper-plate land grants show officials, revenue and administration.
The statement therefore holds for the vast body of donative and temple inscriptions, but not for the royal records that remain the backbone of dynastic chronology; art, culture and polity are intertwined in the epigraphic record.Q2(b) · The Deccan, the Sangam Age and the Guptas · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Gupta Economy, Coinage, Land Grants and Decline of Towns
The second urbanization gave rise to the organized corporate activities that reached their zenith during the Gupta period. Discuss.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
द्वितीय नगरीकरण ने संगठित निगम क्रियाकलापों को उत्पन्न किया, जो गुप्त काल के दौरान अपनी पराकाष्ठा पर पहुँच गए। विवेचना कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(b)
Approach: Trace the corporate bodies stage by stage from the second urbanisation to the Gupta age, with sources, and judge whether the Gupta period was really their zenith.
The second urbanisation of the Ganga valley (from c. sixth century BCE) brought coinage, crafts and long-distance trade, and with them corporate bodies: the shreni (craft guild), the puga and nigama (associations of traders or townsmen) and the sartha (caravan).
Early stage: the Jatakas speak of eighteen guilds with heads (jetthaka) and hereditary crafts in particular streets. The Arthashastra mentions guild militias (shreni-bala), and negama coins from Taxila show town corporations.
Post-Mauryan growth: guilds acted as banks. The Nashik inscription of Ushavadata records money deposited with weavers' guilds at Govardhana, whose interest fed monks, and the Manusmriti asks kings to respect guild customs.
Gupta zenith: over two hundred seals from Basarh (Vaishali) belong to the joint corporation of bankers, caravan traders and artisans (shreshthi-sarthavaha-kulika-nigama). The Mandasor inscription (436–37 CE) records a silk-weavers' guild from Lata building a sun temple at Dashapura, and the Indore plate of Skandagupta (465 CE) an endowment with an oil-men's guild for a temple lamp. Guild heads sat on the district adhikarana (Damodarpur plates), and the Narada and Brihaspati Smritis give detailed rules on guild membership, contracts and disputes.
Qualification: the zenith was also a turning point. R.S. Sharma notes that from the late Gupta period coinage thinned and towns decayed, so northern guilds turned into localised, caste-like jatis. In the south, however, merchant bodies such as the Ainnurruvar flourished later.
Corporate activity born of the second urbanisation thus gained its widest legal recognition and civic role under the Guptas, and its later decline in the north marks the onset of the early medieval agrarian economy.Q2(c) · Sources, Prehistory and the Indus Civilization · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Neolithic and Chalcolithic Cultures: The Beginning of Agriculture
The emergence of Non-Harappan Chalcolithic cultures in Central India and the Deccan mark a change not only in the subsistence pattern of people but an overall transition from pre to proto historic period. Critically analyze.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
मध्य भारत और दक्कन में ग़ैर-हड़प्पाकालीन ताम्रपाषाण संस्कृतियों का उदय न केवल लोगों की जीवन-निर्वाह की पद्धति में परिवर्तन का द्योतक है, वरन् प्राक् से आद्य ऐतिहासिक काल के समग्र संक्रमण का भी द्योतक है। समालोचनापूर्वक विश्लेषण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(c)
Approach: Critically analyse both claims: show the change in subsistence brought by the non-Harappan chalcolithic cultures, then assess whether they mark a transition from prehistory to protohistory, noting continuities and reversals.
Outside the Harappan zone, a chain of copper-using village cultures arose in south-east Rajasthan (Ahar-Banas), Malwa (Kayatha, Navdatoli) and the Deccan (Jorwe, Inamgaon, Daimabad) between about 3000 and 700 BCE. They are often classed as protohistoric, a stage between prehistory and the age of written records.
Change in subsistence: they brought settled farming to central India and the Deccan, growing wheat, barley, rice, millets and pulses and herding cattle, sheep and goat. Inamgaon had an irrigation channel and embankment against floods and granaries, while Navdatoli and Daimabad were large villages with planned houses.
Wider transition: the change was more than economic. Copper metallurgy, wheel-made painted pottery, craft specialisation in beads, and long-distance exchange appear. Social ranking emerges, as in the large central house at Inamgaon read as a chief's dwelling.
Critical points: they had no writing, so the label protohistoric is a matter of definition. Stone, especially the microlithic blade, remained central, hunting continued, and copper was scarce. The process was not linear: in the Late Jorwe phase, linked by M.K. Dhavalikar to increasing aridity, Inamgaon shrank into poorer settlements and many sites were abandoned before the iron age.
The non-Harappan chalcolithic cultures thus marked a real shift to village farming and a step towards protohistory, but the transition was regional, partial and reversible rather than a single forward leap.
Question 3 (50 marks)
Q3(a) · Megaliths, the Vedic Age and the Mahajanapadas · 15 marks≈ 11 min
The Aryan Question and the Rig Vedic Age
Critically examine various views regarding the Vedic-Harappan relationship in light of the latest discoveries.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
नवीनतम खोजों के प्रकाश में वैदिक-हड़प्पाकालीन सम्बन्धों पर विभिन्न मतों का समालोचनापूर्वक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(a)
Approach: Set out the main views on the relationship (succession and conflict, identity or continuity, independent cultures) and test each against recent discoveries such as Rakhigarhi, Sinauli and ancient DNA.
The Vedic-Harappan relationship asks whether the Vedic people destroyed, succeeded, overlapped with or were the same as the Harappans.
Invasion view: Mortimer Wheeler read Indra as puramdara, fort-breaker, and blamed the Aryans for the end of the cities. George Dales (1964) showed that the Mohenjo-daro skeletons do not come from a single massacre.
Identity view: some scholars, such as S.R. Rao and the supporters of an 'Indus-Sarasvati' civilisation, treat the Harappans as Vedic people. They cite fire altars at Kalibangan and the Ghaggar-Hakra as the Sarasvati.
Against this, the Rig Veda is pastoral and does not describe cities, planned drains or seals. The horse and spoked chariot are central to it but rare or doubtful at Harappan sites.
Migration and succession view: R.S. Sharma and most scholars see Indo-Aryan speakers arriving in stages after the urban phase and mixing with late Harappan groups.
Latest evidence: the Rakhigarhi genome (2019) lacked steppe ancestry, and the Narasimhan study (2019) dated steppe ancestry in South Asia to the second millennium BCE. Both support a post-Harappan arrival. The Sinauli carts of 2018 (c. 2000–1800 BCE) have solid wheels, and whether they are 'chariots' is debated.
Evidence now favours succession with interaction: Vedic culture took shape after Harappan decline and absorbed local elements.Q3(b) · The Mauryas and the Post-Mauryan World · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Ashoka: Dhamma and the Edicts
“The concept of Ashoka’s Dhamma as found through his inscriptions had its roots in Vedic-Upanishadic literature.” Discuss.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“अशोक के धम्म की संकल्पना, जैसी कि उसके अभिलेखों के माध्यम से पता चलती है, की जड़ें वैदिक-उपनिषदी साहित्य में थीं।” चर्चा कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(b)
Approach: Discuss the roots of Ashoka's Dhamma in Vedic-Upanishadic texts with parallels, then its Buddhist and practical sources and the points where it departs from Vedic religion, and conclude.
Ashoka's Dhamma, set out in his edicts, was a general ethic of conduct rather than a creed. Its roots are debated: Buddhist, Brahmanical or a royal synthesis.
Vedic-Upanishadic roots: the word dhamma (dharma) descends from the Vedic idea of rita and duty. Obedience to mother and father and respect for teachers recall the Taittiriya Upanishad's teaching to treat mother, father and teacher as gods. The Chandogya Upanishad already lists ahimsa, truthfulness and charity among virtues. The edicts ask gifts and respect for Brahmanas as well as shramanas, and Ashoka's title devanampiya, beloved of the gods, uses Vedic religious language.
Other roots: the stress on non-violence, compassion to all living beings and the Bhabru edict's list of Buddhist texts reflect his Buddhist faith. The tour of dhamma-yatras recalls the Buddha's wanderings.
Rajadharma, the king's duty to protect and care for his people, appears in the Arthashastra too.
Departures from Vedic religion: the Dhamma rejects animal sacrifice (Rock Edict I) and dismisses mangala rites as of little value (Rock Edict IX). It says nothing of varna duties, sacrifices or Vedic gods, and it is addressed to all subjects equally.
The Dhamma drew on a common ethical stock shared by the Upanishads, Buddhism and Jainism, so it had Vedic-Upanishadic roots, but its anti-ritual and universal form was new.Q3(c) · The Mauryas and the Post-Mauryan World · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Post-Mauryan Religion, Mahayana, Art and Science
The period of Indian History from 3rd century B.C.E. to 5th century C.E. was the period of innovation and interaction. How will you react?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
तीसरी सदी ई.पू. से पाँचवीं सदी ई. तक का भारतीय इतिहास का काल-खण्ड नवप्रवर्तन और अन्योन्यक्रिया का काल था। इस पर आप क्या प्रतिक्रिया देंगे?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(c)
Approach: React to the statement by testing it: show innovation (in religion, polity, economy, art, science, literature) and interaction (with Greeks, Iranians, Central Asians, Romans, Southeast Asia) across the period, then qualify and conclude.
The period from the Mauryas to the early Guptas (3rd century BCE–5th century CE) joined the first Indian empire, an age of foreign dynasties and trade, and the Gupta revival. I largely agree with the statement.
Interaction: Mauryan contacts with the Seleucids and Ptolemies were followed by Indo-Greek, Saka, Parthian and Kushana rule in the north-west. Trade with Rome through Bharuch, Muziris and Arikamedu followed, along with the Silk Road and contacts with Southeast Asia. Heliodorus, a Greek, worshipped Vasudeva, and Menander debated with Nagasena in the Milindapanha.
Innovation in religion: Mahayana and the Bodhisattva ideal, image worship and Bhakti in the Bhagavata and Shaiva cults emerged, and Puranic Hinduism began.
Innovation in polity: Ashoka's Dhamma as an imperial ideology, divine kingship and portrait coinage, the satrap system and the land grant appeared.
Innovation in the economy: gold coinage under the Kushanas and Guptas, guild banking and an expanded monetised trade marked the age.
Innovation in art: stone sculpture and architecture, the Buddha image in Gandhara and Mathura, rock-cut chaityas at Karle and the Amaravati reliefs, and the Gupta temple at Deogarh.
Science and literature: Charaka and Sushruta in medicine, Greek influence in astronomy (Yavanajataka) and later Aryabhata. Sangam poetry, Ashvaghosha's Buddhacharita, Kalidasa's works and Sanskrit kavya also flourished.
Qualification: much innovation was indigenous, drawing on earlier traditions, and interaction was uneven, strongest in the north-west and on the coasts. R.S. Sharma also notes signs of crisis and urban decay from the late third century.
The period deserves the description: interaction stimulated innovation, and India assimilated outsiders while shaping its classical civilisation.
Question 4 (50 marks)
Q4(a) · Early Medieval India, 750–1200 · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Literature, Science and Art, 750–1200 (Kalhana, Alberuni, Temple Styles)
Trace the origin and development of temple architecture in India with reference to regional styles and variations.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में मन्दिर स्थापत्यकला के उद्भव और विकास की रूपरेखा को, उनकी प्रादेशिक शैलियों एवं विभिन्नताओं का उल्लेख करते हुए प्रस्तुत कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(a)
Approach: Trace the origin of the structural temple in the Gupta period, its development through the early Chalukyas, Pallavas and Rashtrakutas, and the regional styles of 750–1200 (Nagara sub-schools, Dravida, Vesara and others) with examples, ending with what the variations reveal.
Origin: before temples, worship took place at shrines of perishable material and in rock-cut caves. The structural stone temple appeared in the Gupta period: Temple 17 at Sanchi (5th century) has a flat roof and a square sanctum; the Dashavatara temple at Deogarh (6th century) and the brick temple at Bhitargaon show the beginnings of a tower (shikhara).
Experiment, 6th–8th centuries: the early Chalukyas at Aihole, Badami and Pattadakal built temples in both northern and southern forms; at Pattadakal the Papanatha follows the Nagara and the Virupaksha (c. 745) the Dravida style. The Pallavas moved from rock-cut mandapas and the rathas of Mamallapuram to the structural Shore temple and the Kailasanatha at Kanchipuram. The Rashtrakutas carved the monolithic Kailasa temple at Ellora under Krishna I.
Nagara sub-schools, 750–1200: in Odisha, the deul and jagamohana of the Lingaraja at Bhubaneswar; in central India, the Chandella temples of Khajuraho with clustered towers and dense sculpture, such as the Kandariya Mahadeva; in Gujarat and Rajasthan, the Solanki style of the Sun temple at Modhera (1026) and the marble Jain temples at Mount Abu.
Dravida: the Chola temples, the Brihadishvara at Tanjavur (1010) and Gangaikondacholapuram, raised the vimana to monumental height, while later gopuras became dominant.
Vesara and other regional forms: the Kalyani Chalukyas and Hoysalas combined both styles in stellate, richly carved temples at Lakkundi, Belur and Halebidu, and Kashmir developed a distinct style with pyramidal roofs and trefoil arches (Martand, Avantipur).
Variations: a shared plan of sanctum, mandapa and tower reflects common Shilpa texts, while the variety reflects regional kingdoms, local materials and guilds of builders.
Temple architecture thus developed from modest Gupta shrines into a pan-Indian art with strong regional idioms, mirroring the political regionalisation of the age.Q4(b) · Megaliths, the Vedic Age and the Mahajanapadas · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Jainism, Buddhism and the Rise of Magadha
Buddhism and Jainism were social movements under the umbrella of religion. Comment.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
बौद्धधर्म एवं जैनधर्म, धर्म के छत्र के अधीन सामाजिक आन्दोलन थे। टिप्पणी कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(b)
Approach: Comment by showing the religious core of both faiths, then the social content that made them movements of protest and change, and judge how far the description holds.
Jainism and Buddhism arose in the sixth or fifth century BCE as religions of liberation. They also challenged the social order of the later Vedic age, so many historians describe them as social movements in religious form.
Religious umbrella: both taught karma, rebirth and liberation, and both founded monastic orders. Mahavira's five vows and the Buddha's Eightfold Path were paths to salvation.
Against varna: both rejected the claim that birth decides worth. The Buddha said that a person is a Brahmana by deeds, not birth, and both admitted members of all varnas.
Against costly ritual: they rejected animal sacrifice and Brahmana monopoly over religion, and their ahimsa suited a farming economy that needed cattle.
For new groups: they gave status to merchants and gahapatis, accepted trade and moneylending, and used Pali and Prakrit, the people's languages.
For women: both admitted nuns, and the Therigatha preserves poems by early Buddhist nuns.
Limits: they did not seek to abolish caste in society, and lay followers kept their caste. The Buddha admitted women only reluctantly, with eight special rules, and Jainism's Digambara sect denied that women could attain liberation. Debtors and slaves were barred from the sangha.
They were reformist movements whose social impact was real but limited.Q4(c) · The Deccan, the Sangam Age and the Guptas · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Sangam Age: Polity, Economy, Literature and Culture
The accurate picture of the complex socio-cultural milieu of Peninsular India is presented in the early Sangam literature. Delineate.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
प्रायद्वीपीय भारत के जटिल सामाजिक-सांस्कृतिक वातावरण का यथार्थ चित्र प्रारंभिक संगम साहित्य में प्रस्तुत किया गया है। रूपरेखा प्रस्तुत कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(c)
Approach: Outline the milieu the early poems present, bringing out its complexity (many groups, economies and beliefs), and add a brief note on how accurate the picture is.
Early Sangam anthologies such as the Purananuru, Akananuru and Kuruntokai (c. third century BCE to third century CE) portray a society moving from chiefdoms and pastoral-hunting groups towards agrarian kingdoms.
Ecological diversity: the five tinai link people to environment: hunters (kuravar) in the hills, herders (ayar) in the pasture, ploughmen (uzhavar) in the plains, fishermen (paratavar) on the coast and raiders (maravar) in the arid tract, exchanging goods.
Political ranks: the three vendar (Chera, Chola, Pandya) stood above velir chiefs and village headmen (kilar). Booty from raids was redistributed to warriors and bards, a redistributive economy stressed by Rajan Gurukkal.
Social groups: bards (panar), drummers (paraiyar) and pulaiyar had ritual and service roles, brahmanas received gifts, and merchants and artisans lived in towns. The four varnas are mentioned but did not yet structure society.
Beliefs: worship of Murugan and Korravai, hero stones, and the idea of sacred power (ananku) discussed by George Hart, beside Vedic sacrifice, Jaina and Buddhist teachers and Yavana traders.
Accuracy: the poems were composed for patrons within strict conventions, so they idealise heroism and stylise landscapes. Yet hero stones, Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions, Roman finds and Keezhadi confirm the main features.
The early corpus thus gives a largely reliable, if conventional, picture of a plural and changing society on the eve of state formation.
Question 5 (50 marks)
Q5(a) · Early Medieval India, 750–1200 · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Literature, Science and Art, 750–1200 (Kalhana, Alberuni, Temple Styles)
The 11th – 12th centuries C.E. saw eventful progression in the cultural history of India. Discuss.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत के सांस्कृतिक इतिहास में 11वीं – 12वीं सदी ई. में घटनापूर्ण प्रगति देखी गई थी। विवेचना कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(a)
Approach: Discuss the main cultural achievements of the 11th and 12th centuries in architecture, literature, religion and philosophy, and science, and briefly explain why the period was so creative.
Despite political fragmentation and the Ghaznavid raids, the 11th and 12th centuries were among the most creative in Indian cultural history.
Architecture: the Brihadishvara at Tanjavur (1010), the Kandariya Mahadeva at Khajuraho, the Lingaraja at Bhubaneswar, the Sun temple at Modhera (1026), the Vimala Vasahi at Mount Abu and the Hoysala temple at Belur (1117) mark the peak of the regional styles; Chola bronzes reached perfection.
Literature: Kalhana's Rajatarangini, Bilhana's Vikramankadevacharita, Somadeva's Kathasaritsagara, Jayadeva's Gitagovinda, Hemachandra's works in Gujarat, and Kamban's Tamil Ramayana.
Religion and philosophy: Ramanuja's Vishishtadvaita gave bhakti a philosophical basis, and Basavanna's Virashaiva movement challenged caste in Karnataka.
Science and learning: Bhaskara II's Lilavati and Siddhanta Shiromani (1150); Bhoja's treatises; and al-Biruni's study of India (c. 1030).
Rich regional courts competing for prestige, temple economies and the revival of trade after c. 1000 explain this flowering, though the Turkish conquests at the end of the period disrupted it in the north.Q5(b) · The Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries · 10 marks≈ 7 min
The Bahmanis and the Vijayanagara Empire
Evaluate the accounts of foreign travellers about the Vijayanagar Empire.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
विजयनगर साम्राज्य के संबंध में विदेशी यात्रियों के वृत्तान्तों का मूल्यांकन कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(b)
Approach: Evaluate rather than list: name the main travellers briefly, then weigh the strengths and weaknesses of their testimony, and conclude on how historians should use it.
Vijayanagara is unusually well described by foreigners: Nicolo de Conti (c. 1420), Abdur Razzaq (c. 1443), Duarte Barbosa (c. 1516), Domingo Paes (c. 1520–22) and Fernao Nuniz (c. 1535).
Strengths: They were eyewitnesses who noticed what local texts take for granted: the size and fortifications of the city, the markets and prices, the horse trade, the Mahanavami festival, the palace women and sati. Nuniz's account of the nayakas and their obligations is basic to the study of the state, and archaeology at Hampi has confirmed many details.
Weaknesses: They did not know the local languages, depended on interpreters and saw mainly the capital and court. Merchants such as Paes and Nuniz had commercial interests, Abdur Razzaq wrote for a Timurid patron, and all tended to exaggerate wealth and numbers and to misread unfamiliar customs.
Their accounts are therefore invaluable when checked against inscriptions, literature such as the Amuktamalyada and archaeology.Q5(c) · The Delhi Sultanate, 13th–14th Centuries · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Foundation of the Sultanate: Aibak, Iltutmish and Balban
Critically examine the ‘blood and iron’ policy of Balban.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
बलबन की ‘रक्त और लौह’ नीति का समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(c)
Approach: Explain what the 'blood and iron' policy was (a modern label for Balban's harsh methods), give its measures and results, then examine its costs and limits.
'Blood and iron' is a phrase modern historians borrowed from Bismarck for the harsh methods by which Balban (1266–1287) restored royal power after thirty years of weak sultans. Barani is the main source.
Measures: he crushed the Mewatis, cleared the forests around Delhi and built forts with Afghan garrisons; he put down rebels in the Doab and Katehar with massacres; and he marched to Bengal to execute the rebel Tughril Beg and his followers (c. 1280). He punished powerful members of the Forty and set spies (barids) over officials, backed by the theory of zill-i-ilahi and the rituals of sijda and paibos.
Results: order returned to the core region, roads became safe, royal prestige was restored and the Mongols were held back.
Limits: the policy rested on fear and one man's personality, and Balban excluded the low-born and non-Turks from office. Within three years of his death the dynasty fell to the Khaljis. It was effective, but it did not create lasting institutions.Q5(d) · Early Medieval India, 750–1200 · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Literature, Science and Art, 750–1200 (Kalhana, Alberuni, Temple Styles)
Do you consider the Rajatarangini of Kalhana to be a reliable source of the political history of Kashmir? Why?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या आप कल्हण की राजतरंगिणी को कश्मीर के राजनीतिक इतिहास का एक विश्वसनीय स्रोत मानते हैं? क्यों?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(d)
Approach: Give a reasoned yes-with-qualifications: show the strengths of the Rajatarangini (sources, critical spirit, contemporary detail) and its weaknesses (legendary early books, faulty chronology, moral and fatalist framing), separating its parts by reliability.
Kalhana's Rajatarangini (1148–49), in eight books, is the main source for the political history of Kashmir, but its reliability varies from part to part.
Strengths: Kalhana names his sources, earlier chronicles, the Nilamata Purana, inscriptions, coins and monuments, and asks the historian to be impartial like a judge. From the Karkota dynasty (Book IV) onwards his account becomes increasingly dependable, and for the 11th–12th centuries (Books VII–VIII) it is a detailed, near-contemporary record, often confirmed by coins and inscriptions. He is frank about royal misdeeds, as with Harsha of Kashmir.
Weaknesses: Books I–III mix legend with history, and their chronology is faulty, with improbable reign lengths, such as about three hundred years for Ranaditya; conquests such as Lalitaditya's are exaggerated; and events are explained through fate and karma.
It is therefore a reliable source for the later centuries and a critical starting point for the earlier ones, to be checked against other evidence.Q5(e) · Mughal Economy, Society and Culture · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Peasants, Women and the Rise of the Sikh Khalsa
The religion of the Sikhs was the main force of their unity. Comment.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
सिखों का धर्म उनकी एकता की मुख्य शक्ति था। टिप्पणी कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(e)
Approach: Show how Sikh religious institutions and beliefs created unity, then add the social, economic and political forces that also bound the community, and give a balanced comment.
Religion was certainly the foundation of Sikh unity, but it worked together with social and political forces.
Religious bonds: belief in one God and the authority of the Guru gave a single focus of loyalty. The sangat (congregation) and the langar, where all ate together regardless of caste, created equality and fellowship. The Adi Granth (1604), the Harmandir at Amritsar and the Gurmukhi script gave the community a scripture, a centre and a shared language of worship. The Khalsa of 1699, with its initiation and five symbols, made the identity visible.
Other forces: many followers were Jat peasants bound by kinship and a martial tradition, as W.H. McLeod stressed. Mughal hostility, from Guru Arjan's execution in 1606 to Guru Tegh Bahadur's in 1675, united the community against a common enemy, and agrarian grievances drew peasants to Banda Bahadur after 1708.
Religion was thus the main but not the only force: faith gave the Sikhs their identity, while social structure and political conflict turned it into collective action.
Question 6 (50 marks)
Q6(a) · The Delhi Sultanate, 13th–14th Centuries · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Foundation of the Sultanate: Aibak, Iltutmish and Balban
To what extent was the Caliphate the source and sanction to the legal authority of the Sultans of Delhi?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
खिलाफत किस सीमा तक दिल्ली के सुल्तानों के विधिक प्राधिकार का स्रोत और संस्वीकृति थी?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(a)
Approach: "To what extent" asks for a measured verdict: explain the theory that the Caliph was the source of authority, show how Sultans used investiture, then show the Sultans who ignored or replaced it, and conclude that the sanction was moral rather than real.
In Sunni political theory the Caliph headed the Muslim community and a sultan ruled lawfully as his deputy. In practice the Abbasid caliph at Baghdad (till 1258), and later the shadow caliphs at Cairo, had no power in India.
Use of the Caliphate: Iltutmish's investiture by al-Mustansir (1229) placed him above rivals such as Yildiz and Qubacha. Balban's coins kept the name of the caliph al-Mustasim even after Baghdad fell. Muhammad bin Tughluq, facing revolts and hostile ulama, obtained investiture from the Abbasid caliph in Cairo (c. 1340s), and Firuz Tughluq called himself the caliph's deputy.
Departures: Balban's idea of kingship as niyabat-i-khudai placed the king directly under God. Alauddin Khalji did not seek investiture and, in Barani's account, told Qazi Mughis that he acted for the good of the state. His son Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah took the title of caliph himself.
Real basis: authority rested on the army and the nobles; Barani's Fatawa-i-Jahandari admits that rulers made state laws (zawabit) beyond the sharia. I.H. Qureshi notes that investiture gave moral legitimacy, not a legal check.
The Caliphate was thus a source of legitimacy invoked in crises, not the real source of the Sultans' legal authority.Q6(b) · Society, Culture and Economy under the Sultanate · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Bhakti and Sufi Movements under the Sultanate
“Bhakti and Sufi movements served the same social purpose.” Discuss.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“भक्ति और सूफ़ी आन्दोलनों ने एक ही सामाजिक प्रयोजन की पूर्ति की थी।” विवेचना कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(b)
Approach: A 'discuss' question on a comparison: show the common social purposes, then the real differences in origin, organisation and social aims, and conclude on how far the statement holds.
The Bhakti and Sufi movements flourished side by side in the 13th–16th centuries. Both were mystical and devotional, which led Tara Chand (Influence of Islam on Indian Culture, 1936) and others to treat them as parallel or even connected movements.
Common purposes: Both placed love of God above ritual and formal learning, criticised the pride of priests and ulama, and taught humility and service. Both reached ordinary people through the vernacular and through music (sama and kirtan), offered the poor and low-born dignity, and created shared spaces of worship that eased tension between communities.
Differences: Sufism worked within Islam and the sharia, through organised silsilas, khanqahs and the pir–murid bond, and some orders, such as the Suhrawardis, were close to the state. Bhakti grew from Indian roots in the Alvars, Nayanars and Nath traditions, was divided into saguna and nirguna streams, and had no single organisation.
Social aims: Nirguna saints such as Kabir and Ravidas openly attacked caste, while most saguna saints and Sufis accepted the social order and sought inner reform.
The statement holds for their broad humanising role, since both softened religious boundaries and gave voice to the humble, but their origins, organisation and degree of social protest were different.Q6(c) · Society, Culture and Economy under the Sultanate · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Agriculture, Urban Economy, Crafts and Trade
Delineate non-agricultural production and urban economy in the 13th and 14th centuries C.E.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
13वीं – 14वीं सदी ई. में ग़ैर-कृषि उत्पादन और नगरीय अर्थव्यवस्था की रूपरेखा प्रस्तुत कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(c)
Approach: Delineate two linked themes: the range and organisation of non-agricultural production, and the urban economy (towns, markets, merchants, money), with the historiography and a conclusion.
The 13th and 14th centuries saw marked growth of crafts and towns in North India. Mohammad Habib called this an 'urban revolution', and Irfan Habib linked it to the cash revenue of the iqta system and new technology.
Crafts: Textiles led: the spinning wheel and carding bow raised cotton output, while silk weaving and embroidery grew. Other crafts included paper-making, metalwork and arms, leather goods, sugar, indigo, building (with lime mortar and the arch) and carpet-weaving.
Karkhanas: The state ran workshops to supply the court and army; Afif says Firuz Shah had 36 karkhanas, and al-Umari reports that Muhammad bin Tughluq employed thousands of weavers and embroiderers. Most production, however, remained in the hands of artisans working at home.
Towns: Delhi, which Ibn Battuta thought the largest city of the Muslim East, Lahore, Multan, Badaun, Kara, Jaunpur, Cambay and Lakhnauti were centres of administration, crafts and trade. Iqta headquarters became market towns.
Markets and merchants: Barani describes Alauddin Khalji's controlled markets: the grain market (mandi), the Sarai Adl for cloth, and separate markets for horses, cattle and slaves, supervised by the shahna-i-mandi. Multani and Hindu merchants (sahs) and brokers (dallals) carried trade.
Money: Iltutmish established the silver tanka and copper jital, and a monetised economy grew; Muhammad bin Tughluq's token currency (1329–30) shows its importance.
B.D. Chattopadhyaya warns that urban growth had begun earlier, and Irfan Habib notes that towns depended on the agrarian surplus.
Non-agricultural production and the urban economy thus expanded, though they rested on the extraction of rural revenue.
Question 7 (50 marks)
Q7(a) · The Delhi Sultanate, 13th–14th Centuries · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Muhammad bin Tughluq: Projects, Agrarian Measures and Bureaucracy
Do you agree that the schemes of Muhammad bin Tughluq were correctly conceived, badly executed and disastrously abandoned? Discuss.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या आप इस बात से सहमत हैं कि मुहम्मद बिन तुग़लक़ की योजनाएँ भलीभाँति संकल्पनित, निकृष्टतः कार्यान्वित और विनाशपूर्णतः परित्यक्त थीं? चर्चा कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(a)
Approach: Test the three-part verdict scheme by scheme: for the transfer of capital, token currency, Doab taxation, Khurasan and Qarachil expeditions and the agricultural department, ask whether the idea was sound, how it was carried out and how it was given up; then give a balanced judgement.
The verdict that Muhammad bin Tughluq's schemes were well conceived, badly executed and disastrously abandoned is a common textbook judgement, close to the revisionist view of Agha Mahdi Husain and Ishwari Prasad, who rejected the older 'mad king' image.
Transfer of the capital (1327): a second capital at Daulatabad suited an empire reaching Madurai, but forcing Delhi's Muslim elite to move caused great hardship, and the return wasted the effort.
Token currency (1329–30): a response to a silver shortage, but forgery could not be stopped, and redeeming the tokens in good coin was a heavy loss.
Doab taxation: raising revenue in a fertile region coincided with famine, and harsh collection drove peasants to flight; takavi relief came late.
Military plans: the Khurasan army was disbanded when Central Asian politics changed, and the Qarachil expedition was destroyed in the hills. Here the conception itself is doubtful.
Diwan-i-Amir-i-Kohi: state-directed cultivation was imaginative, but poor land and corrupt officials wasted the money, and it was dropped.
The statement fits the currency, capital and agricultural department, but not the military schemes. Modern historians add silver scarcity, famine and imperial over-extension to Barani's blame of the Sultan's temperament.Q7(b) · Akbar and the Mughal State in the 17th Century · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Akbar's Rajput Policy, Sulh-i-kul and Court Patronage
Do you think that Akbar’s Rajput policy was a conscious attempt to incorporate the Indian ruling elite with the Mughal Imperial System?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या आपके विचार में अकबर की राजपूत नीति विशिष्ट भारतीय शासकों को मुगल साम्राज्य व्यवस्था में समाविष्ट करने का एक सोचा-विचारा प्रयास था?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(b)
Approach: Argue that the policy became a deliberate scheme of incorporation (ranks, watan jagirs, marriages, offices, religious concessions), but show that it began pragmatically and used force where chiefs resisted.
Akbar's Rajput policy is often presented as the first planned attempt to make India's hereditary ruling class partners in an imperial system. The evidence suggests it became conscious incorporation over time, though it began as a practical response to circumstances.
Pragmatic beginnings: the Amber alliance of 1562 arose from Raja Bharmal's own need for protection against the Mughal governor of Mewat, and Akbar's early campaigns against Merta, Chittor (1568) and Ranthambhor (1569) relied on force.
A deliberate system: from the 1570s the terms became standard. Chiefs who submitted kept their lands as hereditary watan jagirs, received mansabs (Man Singh rose to 7,000, among the highest ranks given to a noble) and held governorships and commands far from home. Marriages linked them to the dynasty without demanding conversion.
Akbar also removed the pilgrim tax (1563) and jizya (1564), and the ideal of sulh-i-kul gave the partnership an ideological basis. As Satish Chandra argues, the Rajputs were treated as a pillar of the state rather than as defeated enemies.
Limits: Mewar resisted until 1615, Marwar's Chandrasen held out, and Rajputs remained a minority among the high nobility. Akbar's aim was also political balance against Turani nobles, as Iqtidar Alam Khan stresses.
It was, therefore, a conscious policy of incorporation that grew out of pragmatic beginnings and rested on both generosity and the threat of force.Q7(c) · The Eighteenth Century · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Politics, Culture and Economy on the Eve of British Conquest
“The political disintegration was responsible for the socio-economic decline in India during the 18th century.” Comment.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“18वीं शताब्दी के दौरान भारत में सामाजिक-आर्थिक अवनति के लिए राजनीतिक विघटन जिम्मेदार था।” टिप्पणी कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(c)
Approach: Identify the statement with the dark age school, give the evidence that political breakdown caused distress, then question both 'disintegration' and 'decline' with revisionist evidence, and conclude.
The statement reflects the older view of Jadunath Sarkar and colonial writers that the collapse of Mughal authority after 1707 plunged India into anarchy and socio-economic decline, from which British rule rescued it.
Evidence for the statement: succession wars and factions weakened the centre; Nadir Shah (1739) and Abdali (1748–67) plundered Delhi and Punjab; Maratha raids devastated western Bengal (1742–51); Delhi and Agra declined, mourned in the shahr-ashob poetry of Mir and Sauda. Irfan Habib linked imperial collapse to an agrarian crisis, and revenue farming (ijara) let farmers squeeze peasants. Surat's decline (Ashin Das Gupta) followed the loss of Mughal protection for its hinterland trade.
Evidence against: the Mughal centre declined, but power was decentralised rather than dissolved. Muzaffar Alam showed agrarian and commercial growth in Awadh and Punjab; C.A. Bayly found new towns, merchant families and service gentry; Frank Perlin traced monetisation in Maharashtra. Bengal's textile exports rose, banking houses such as the Jagat Seths flourished, and regional capitals such as Lucknow, Hyderabad and Pune grew. Society saw no general collapse: Urdu poetry, Pahari painting and regional literatures flowered under new patrons.
A different cause of decline: where decline was sharpest, as in Bengal after 1757, it owed as much to Company plunder, private trade and the drain as to Indian political breakdown.
Balance: war, plunder and peasant distress were real, and technology stagnated, as the Aligarh historians insist; but the pattern was regional and uneven.
The statement is overstated: political decentralisation caused distress in some regions, especially the north-west and Delhi, but it did not produce a general socio-economic decline across eighteenth-century India.
Question 8 (50 marks)
Q8(a) · Mughal Economy, Society and Culture · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Mughal Architecture and Painting
“Mughal paintings reflect social harmony in contemporary society.” Discuss.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“मुगलकालीन चित्र, समकालीन समाज में सामाजिक सामंजस्य को प्रतिबिम्बित करते हैं।” विवेचना कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(a)
Approach: Present the evidence for social harmony in Mughal painting (shared workshops, Hindu themes, saints and holy men of all faiths, festivals), then qualify it: court-centred, idealised, ideological, and limited in time.
Mughal painting was produced in a court that proclaimed sulh-i-kul, peace with all, and much of it does reflect cooperation and mutual respect between communities.
Shared workshops: Abul Fazl's list of Akbar's leading painters includes Hindu masters such as Daswanth, Basawan, Kesu, Lal, Mukund and Madhu alongside Muslim artists like Abd al-Samad and Farrukh Beg. They worked together on the same pages: inscriptions on Akbar-period pages often name one artist for the design and another for the colouring, frequently a Hindu and a Muslim together.
Shared themes: the studio illustrated the Hindu epics in the Razmnama and the Persian Ramayana. Paintings show Jahangir visiting the Hindu ascetic Jadrup, Dara Shukoh with Sufis and yogis, and festivals such as Holi and Diwali at court. Jesuits appear in court scenes.
Qualifications: the paintings show the world of the court and nobility, rarely peasants or conflict. Harmony was an ideal promoted by the emperor, so the images were partly propaganda for the dynasty. Under Aurangzeb, imperial patronage declined.
Mughal paintings thus reflect a real culture of exchange among the elite, but they depict an idealised harmony rather than the whole of contemporary society.Q8(b) · Mughal Economy, Society and Culture · 15 marks≈ 11 min
Peasants, Women and the Rise of the Sikh Khalsa
Assess the condition of peasantry during 13th to 17th centuries C.E.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
13वीं से 17वीं शताब्दियों ई. के दौरान कृषक वर्ग की दशा का आकलन कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(b)
Approach: Compare the peasant's condition under the Sultanate and the Mughals: revenue demand and methods, stratification, state relief, famines and flight, with the evidence of Barani, the Ain and travellers, and the historians' debate on prosperity or misery.
From the 13th to the 17th century the Indian peasant supported both the Sultanate and the Mughal states through the land tax. His condition depended on the size of the demand, the efficiency of collection and the seasons.
The Sultanate: Alauddin Khalji fixed the demand at half the produce, based on measurement, and curbed the privileges of rural chiefs (khuts and muqaddams); Barani says they were reduced to poverty. Muhammad bin Tughlaq's raised demand in the Doab, followed by famine, drove peasants to flight. Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq and Firuz Shah Tughlaq moderated the demand, and Firuz built canals.
The Mughals: Akbar's zabt fixed the demand at about one-third in cash, with remissions for crop failure and taqavi loans. The Ain-i-Akbari shows an expanding agriculture with many cash crops.
Stratification: the peasantry was divided into resident cultivators (khud-kasht), outsiders (pahi-kasht), poorer sharecroppers and landless labourers. Better-off peasants prospered, the poor lived near subsistence.
Misery and debate: Pelsaert and Bernier describe oppressed and ill-clothed peasants, and the Deccan and Gujarat famine of 1630–32 caused mass deaths. Irfan Habib argues that the demand took nearly all the surplus, while Shireen Moosvi and others find signs of agricultural growth.
The peasant's condition was thus hard throughout, improving with stable administration and worsening with heavy demand, war and famine.Q8(c) · The Eighteenth Century · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Maratha Ascendancy under the Peshwas
How will you view the Maratha policy of expansion? Delineate.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
मराठों की विस्तारवादी नीति को आप किस रूप में देखते हैं? रूपरेखा प्रस्तुत कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(c)
Approach: Describe the phases, directions and methods of Maratha expansion, then evaluate its gains and costs (alienation of neighbours, overextension, Panipat) with historians' views, and give a verdict.
Between 1719 and 1760 the Marathas grew from a Deccan power into the largest state in India. Their expansion was dynamic but more extractive than integrative.
Phases: Balaji Vishwanath secured the sanads of 1719 for the Deccan. Baji Rao I turned north (tradition credits him with urging a strike at the trunk of the Mughal tree); he took Malwa and Gujarat, aided Chhatrasal in Bundelkhand (1729) and raided Delhi (1737), while Chimaji Appa took Bassein (1739). Under Balaji Baji Rao the Bhonsles raided Bengal and gained Orissa's revenue (1751), the Marathas intervened in Rajput successions, and Raghunath Rao reached Attock (1758).
Methods: expansion worked through chauth and sardeshmukhi rather than annexation, through alliances and the winning over of rivals' men (André Wink's fitna), and through a Mughal framework, culminating in the 1752 treaty to protect the emperor. Conquered areas were assigned to chiefs, building the confederacy.
Gains: the Marathas became the arbiters of north Indian politics, and Stewart Gordon shows that in Malwa and Khandesh they settled revenue and administration, so they were state builders and not mere raiders, as Grant Duff had claimed.
Costs: heavy tribute and repeated raids alienated Rajputs, Jats, Sikhs and Bengal; the north was never consolidated; and the advance into Punjab provoked Ahmad Shah Abdali. At Panipat (1761) the Marathas fought without allies.
Ideology: the slogan of Hindu Pad Padshahi is a later gloss; Maratha policy was pragmatic and revenue-driven, and Muslim and Hindu rulers alike were taxed.
The policy of expansion was a remarkable success in extent and speed, but its predatory methods and lack of consolidation left the Marathas isolated and divided before the Afghans and the English.
UPSC Mains 2017 History Paper II
Question 1 (50 marks)
Q1(a) · European Penetration and British Expansion · 10 marks≈ 7 min
The Anglo-Maratha Wars and the Annexation of the Punjab
“The Maratha polity disintegrated through internal stress.” Critically examine.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“मराठा राज्य का विघटन आन्तरिक दबाव के फलस्वरूप हुआ था।” समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(a)
Approach: Show the internal stresses (Chhatrapati–Peshwa, sardars, succession feuds) with evidence, then weigh them against external causes such as British finance, diplomacy and military organisation.
The view that the Maratha polity collapsed from within goes back to Grant Duff and was developed by Jadunath Sarkar, who stressed moral and political decay.
Internal stress: power shifted from the Chhatrapati to the Peshwa and then to the great sardars, Sindhia, Holkar, Gaekwad and the Bhonsle, who pursued their own interests. Panipat (1761) shattered the leadership; the murder of Narayan Rao (1773) split the court; after the deaths of Mahadji Sindhia (1794) and Nana Phadnavis (1800) the Sindhia–Holkar war drove Baji Rao II to the Treaty of Bassein (1802).
External causes: the British had larger revenues, steady pay for disciplined troops and superior intelligence. Randolf Cooper argues that the Company won in 1803 by money and by subverting officers in Sindhia's army, and Stewart Gordon sees the decentralised structure as normal rather than decadent. Wellesley's and Hastings's policy of subsidiary alliance exploited the rivalries.
Internal stress made the Marathas vulnerable, but disintegration was completed by a stronger, determined Company.Q1(b) · Social, Cultural and Reform Movements · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Ram Mohan Roy, the Brahmo Movement and Devendranath Tagore
“The chief value of Raja’s (Raja Rammohan Roy) labours seems to lie in his fight against the forces of medievalism in India.” Critically examine.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“राजा (राजा राममोहन राय) की मेहनतों का प्रमुख महत्त्व भारत में मध्यकालीनता के बलों के विरुद्ध उनके संघर्ष में निहित प्रतीत होता है।” समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(b)
Approach: Accept that his struggle against superstition and social evils was central, then argue that his constructive work in education, press and politics was equally valuable, and note the limits of his break with tradition.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy (1772–1833) is often seen as a fighter against medievalism, meaning priestcraft, superstition, idolatry and degrading customs.
The fight: His Tuhfat-ul-Muwahhidin criticised superstition in all religions, his translations of the Upanishads attacked idolatry, and his tracts against sati from 1818 helped Bentinck's Regulation XVII of 1829. He also opposed polygamy and caste rigidity and defended women's property rights.
Constructive value: His work was not only negative. He founded the Brahmo Sabha (1828), supported English and scientific education, started newspapers, opposed press controls in 1823 and argued before Parliament for the ryots and for Indians in government service.
Limits: Sumit Sarkar argued that his break with tradition was partial: he wore the sacred thread to the end, used scriptural argument rather than pure reason, and his base lay in a colonial landed and commercial elite.
The chief value of his work lies in the fight against medievalism, but its lasting value lies in combining that fight with the building of modern institutions.Q1(c) · Early British Raj and Its Economic Impact · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Railways, Telegraph, Famines and European Enterprise
“The British railway construction policy in India benefitted British economy in the nineteenth century.” Critically examine.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“भारत में रेल निर्माण की ब्रिटिश नीति उन्नीसवीं शताब्दी में ब्रिटिश अर्थव्यवस्था के लिए लाभप्रद रही थी।” समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(c)
Approach: Show the ways railway policy served the British economy (investment returns, exports of equipment, raw materials and markets, strategy), then qualify with benefits to India.
Railway construction in India began in 1853 (Bombay–Thane), and Dalhousie's minute of 1853 justified it on commercial, political and military grounds.
Benefits to Britain: (i) British investors received a guaranteed return of 5 per cent, paid from Indian revenues if profits fell short; (ii) rails, locomotives and much rolling stock were ordered from British firms, sustaining British engineering and iron industries; (iii) lines connected cotton, jute and wheat areas to Bombay, Calcutta and Karachi, cheapening raw materials for British industry and opening the interior to Lancashire cloth; (iv) rapid troop movement, as feared after 1857, protected British rule.
Qualification: India also gained: market integration, faster famine relief, travel and the spread of ideas; Indian mills later used the network, and Indian railway workshops trained skilled labour.
The statement is correct that the policy was designed for British economic interests, though its effects in India were mixed rather than wholly negative.Q1(d) · Social, Cultural and Reform Movements · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Vidyasagar, Young Bengal and Dayanand Saraswati
“The Arya Samaj may quite logically be pronounced as the outcome of conditions imported into India from the West.” Critically examine.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“आर्य समाज को भारत में पश्चिम से आयातित स्थितियों के परिणाम के रूप में, पूर्णतया तार्किकतः, घोषित किया जा सकता है।” समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(d)
Approach: Test the claim of Western origin against the Indian roots of Dayanand's thought. Show the colonial conditions that helped the Samaj grow, then the indigenous sources, and conclude with a balanced view.
The Arya Samaj, founded by Dayanand Saraswati at Bombay in 1875 and organised at Lahore in 1877, is sometimes seen as a product of conditions brought by Western rule.
Western conditions: It grew strongest in Punjab, where missions were converting low castes and a new English-educated Hindu middle class had emerged; Kenneth Jones in Arya Dharm links the Samaj to this class. It relied on print, above all the Satyarth Prakash (1875). Shuddhi answered missionary conversion, and the DAV College (Lahore, 1886) adopted Western-style education.
Indian roots: Yet Dayanand knew no English and was trained in Sanskrit grammar by Virjanand at Mathura. His call 'back to the Vedas' drew on an older tradition of reform within Hinduism, and the Gurukul at Kangri (1902) revived ancient methods of education.
Its aim was to purify and defend Hinduism, not to copy the West.
Colonial conditions shaped the Samaj's context, methods and support, but its ideology was largely indigenous; it is better seen as a response to the West than its outcome.Q1(e) · Social, Cultural and Reform Movements · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Sati, Widow Remarriage, Child Marriage and the Indian Renaissance
“Sri Narayana Guru’s was a major intervention in the social reform movement from a subaltern perspective.” Critically examine.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“श्री नारायण गुरु का सामाजिक सुधार आन्दोलन में, उपाश्रित (सबल्टर्न) परिप्रेक्ष्य की दृष्टि से, एक प्रधान मध्यक्षेप था।” समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(e)
Approach: Explain what makes Narayana Guru's movement 'subaltern' (leadership and base from a lower caste, challenge from below), give his main interventions, then note the limits.
Sri Narayana Guru (1856–1928), born into the Ezhava community of Kerala, led a reform movement from among those whom the caste order treated as polluting. Unlike elite reformers, he spoke from a subaltern position.
Interventions: In 1888 he consecrated a Shiva idol at Aruvippuram, breaking the Brahmin monopoly over temple consecration. With Dr Palpu and the poet Kumaran Asan he founded the SNDP Yogam in 1903 to promote education, organisation and self-respect. His motto 'one caste, one religion, one God for man' rejected caste hierarchy.
He set up temples open to all and, in later years, placed mirrors instead of idols in some shrines, as at Kalavancode. His ideas inspired the Vaikom Satyagraha (1924–25) for temple-road entry.
Limits: His movement worked largely within a Hindu spiritual idiom and benefited mainly the Ezhavas, whose rise was partly a form of upward mobility; the Pulayas found a separate leader in Ayyankali.
Still, it was a major subaltern intervention, as it challenged caste from below and shaped Kerala's later social democracy.
Question 2 (50 marks)
Q2(a) · Early British Raj and Its Economic Impact · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Railways, Telegraph, Famines and European Enterprise
Explain the factors responsible for the recurrence of famines in the nineteenth century. What remedial measures were adopted by the British Indian Government?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
उन्नीसवीं शताब्दी में अकालों की पुनरावृत्ति के लिए उत्तरदायी कारकों को स्पष्ट कीजिए। ब्रिटिश भारतीय सरकार ने कौन-से उपचारी उपाय अपनाए थे?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(a)
Approach: Explain the factors behind recurring famines (natural, economic, policy), then the remedial measures in stages (early relief, the Famine Commissions, Famine Codes, irrigation and railways), and assess them.
The nineteenth century saw a series of major famines: north India (1837–38), Orissa (1866), the Great Famine of 1876–78 in the south and west, and the famines of 1896–97 and 1899–1900. Together they killed many millions.
Factors: (i) natural: monsoon failure, often linked to El Niño years, and epidemics; (ii) economic: mass poverty and indebtedness, the decline of crafts that pushed artisans onto the land, and commercialisation that reduced grain reserves and exposed peasants to price swings; (iii) policy: high and rigid land revenue, collected even in bad years; laissez-faire, which allowed grain to be exported from famine regions and left prices to the market; and inadequate, delayed relief. Nationalists such as R.C. Dutt and William Digby blamed poverty created by colonial policy, and Amartya Sen's entitlement approach explains how people starve when wages and purchasing power collapse.
Remedial measures: after Orissa (1866) the Campbell inquiry admitted official failure. The Famine Commission of 1880 under Richard Strachey recommended relief works, gratuitous relief for the infirm, and suspension of revenue, leading to the Famine Codes (from 1883) and a Famine Relief and Insurance Fund. The Lyall Commission (1898) and the MacDonnell Commission (1901) refined them, stressing early action and moral strategy.
Long-term measures: irrigation canals such as the Ganges Canal (1854) and the Punjab canal colonies, and railways that moved grain to famine areas.
Assessment: the codes and railways reduced famine deaths after 1900, but relief remained limited by fiscal caution, and the root causes of poverty and high revenue were not tackled, as the Bengal famine of 1943 showed.Q2(b) · Social, Cultural and Reform Movements · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Press, Public Opinion, Vernacular Literature and Science
Assess the role of press in arousing awareness on important social issues in the second half of the nineteenth century.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
उन्नीसवीं शताब्दी के उत्तरार्द्ध में महत्त्वपूर्ण सामाजिक मुद्दों के प्रति जागरूकता पैदा करने में समाचारपत्रों की भूमिका का आकलन कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(b)
Approach: Assess the press's role issue by issue, with named papers, then weigh its limits. Organise by social questions: women, caste, community reform and rural distress.
In the second half of the nineteenth century the press became the main forum in which educated Indians debated social questions. Papers in English and the regional languages carried tracts, letters and editorials that turned private customs into public issues.
Women's questions: The Tattvabodhini Patrika and Som Prakash backed Vidyasagar's widow remarriage campaign, and the Bamabodhini Patrika (1863) promoted women's education. Behramji Malabari's Notes on Infant Marriage and Enforced Widowhood (1884), spread through his Indian Spectator, opened the debate that led to the Age of Consent Act of 1891.
Reform journals: Gopal Ganesh Agarkar's Sudharak (1888) argued for rational social reform in Maharashtra, Dadabhai Naoroji's Rast Goftar (1851) for Parsi reform, and Sayyid Ahmad Khan's Tahzib-ul-Akhlaq (1870) for Muslim modernisation.
Caste and rural distress: Deenbandhu (1877), linked to Phule's Satyashodhak Samaj, voiced lower-caste and peasant grievances. Harish Chandra Mukherjee's Hindoo Patriot exposed indigo planters' oppression during the revolt of 1859–60, and papers reported the famines of the 1870s.
Method: Translations, letters and public debate drew a wider circle into discussion, and papers were read aloud to those who could not read.
Limits: Readership was small and largely upper caste and urban. Much of the press opposed reform: Tilak's Kesari and the Bengali Bangabasi attacked the Age of Consent Bill as interference in religion.
The press was thus central to awakening social awareness, though it reflected both reformist and orthodox opinion and reached mainly the educated classes.Q2(c) · European Penetration and British Expansion · 10 marks≈ 7 min
The Anglo-Maratha Wars and the Annexation of the Punjab
Underline the major considerations of the British imperial power that led to the annexation of Punjab.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
पंजाब के समामेलन की ओर ले जाने वाली ब्रिटिश साम्राज्यीय शक्ति के प्रमुख विचारों को रेखांकित कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(c)
Approach: Underline the strategic, political, military and economic considerations behind annexation in 1849, linking them to the events of 1845–49.
Dalhousie annexed the Punjab in March 1849 after the Second Anglo-Sikh War, ending the last major independent Indian state.
Strategic: fear of Russian advance in Central Asia, the "Great Game", and the disaster of the First Afghan War (1839–42) made control of the north-west frontier and the Indus a priority, following the annexation of Sindh (1843).
Political: the settlement of 1846, which kept a weak Lahore state under a British Resident, had failed; the Multan revolt of Mulraj (1848) and the rising of the Sikh sardars convinced Dalhousie that only annexation would secure peace.
Military: the Khalsa army had nearly defeated the Company at Ferozeshah (1845) and Chillianwala (1849); disbanding it removed the last serious military rival.
Economic: the fertile Punjab promised land revenue, markets and later irrigated wheat and cotton; the Koh-i-Noor passed to the Crown.
Annexation thus combined frontier security with Dalhousie's expansionist policy.
Question 3 (50 marks)
Q3(a) · Constitutional Developments, Other Strands and Partition · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Revolutionaries in India and Abroad
Trace the origin of the Ghadar movement and discuss its impact on the revolutionaries in India.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
गदर आन्दोलन की उत्पत्ति की रूपरेखा प्रस्तुत कीजिए तथा भारत में क्रान्तिकारियों पर उसके प्रभाव की विवेचना कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(a)
Approach: Two parts: trace the origins (emigrants, racism, organisation, the paper) and then the impact on revolutionaries in India (1915 rising, trials, later movements). End with an assessment.
The Ghadar movement grew among Punjabi emigrants, mostly Sikh peasants and ex-soldiers, who worked on farms, railways and lumber mills on the Pacific coast of Canada and the USA in the early 1900s.
Origins: Racial discrimination, immigration curbs and the scorn they met abroad turned these workers to nationalism. Earlier efforts included Taraknath Das's Free Hindustan in Vancouver. In 1913 the Hindi Association of the Pacific Coast was formed, with Sohan Singh Bhakna as president and Lala Har Dayal as a leading organiser, based at the Yugantar Ashram in San Francisco. Its weekly Ghadar (first issue 1 November 1913) called for armed revolt.
Catalysts: The Komagata Maru incident (1914), when Indian passengers were refused entry at Vancouver and fired on at Budge Budge on return, and the outbreak of the First World War convinced the Ghadarites to act.
Impact in India: Several thousand returned to Punjab to rouse soldiers and peasants. A rising planned for February 1915, with Rash Behari Bose's help, was betrayed by an informer. The Lahore Conspiracy Cases sent many to the gallows or the Andamans, including Kartar Singh Sarabha, hanged in November 1915. The Singapore mutiny of 1915 also drew on Ghadar propaganda.
Legacy: The movement's secular, egalitarian outlook and its martyrs inspired later revolutionaries; Bhagat Singh revered Sarabha. Former Ghadarites joined the Babbar Akali and Kirti Kisan movements and later the communists.
Harish K. Puri shows that its ideology was secular and radical, though weak in organisation and planning.
The movement failed militarily but carried revolutionary nationalism to the peasantry and influenced the next generation.Q3(b) · The Gandhian Era, 1915–1947 · 20 marks≈ 14 min
The Wavell Plan and the Cabinet Mission
Explain why the efforts at finding solution to India’s constitutional impasse failed during 1942–1946.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
यह स्पष्ट कीजिए कि किस कारण 1942–1946 के दौरान भारत के सांविधानिक अवरोध का समाधान ढूँढ़ने के प्रयास असफल हो गए थे।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(b)
Approach: Explain why each attempt at a settlement between 1942 and 1946 failed (Cripps, Gandhi-Jinnah talks, Wavell Plan and Simla, Cabinet Mission), then draw out the common causes: British policy, the League's demand for parity and Pakistan, and Congress positions.
Between 1942 and 1946 the British, the Congress and the Muslim League made several attempts to break the constitutional impasse, but each failed.
Cripps Mission (1942): it offered dominion status after the war with a provincial right to opt out, but no real power now. The Congress rejected it over the opt-out and defence, the League because Pakistan was not explicitly conceded, and Churchill and Linlithgow undermined Cripps.
Gandhi-Jinnah talks (1944): based on C. Rajagopalachari's formula of a post-war plebiscite in Muslim-majority areas, they failed because Jinnah wanted the whole of Punjab and Bengal, partition before independence, and recognition of the League as the sole representative of Muslims.
Wavell Plan and Simla Conference (June–July 1945): Wavell proposed an Executive Council of Indians with parity between caste Hindus and Muslims. It broke down when Jinnah insisted that the League alone nominate all Muslim members, which the Congress could not accept.
Cabinet Mission (1946): its plan of 16 May proposed a three-tier federation with groups of provinces. Both parties accepted it with conflicting readings of grouping, compulsory for the League, optional for the Congress. After Nehru's press statement of 10 July 1946, the League withdrew its acceptance and called for Direct Action on 16 August.
Common causes: Wavell's handling of Simla gave the League a veto, and British policy was in no hurry to transfer power; Jinnah's demand for parity and Pakistan, which Ayesha Jalal sees partly as a bargaining counter, left little room for compromise; the Congress insisted on a strong centre and its claim to represent all Indians. Mutual distrust deepened after the 1945–46 elections, in which the League won most Muslim seats.
These failures made partition, settled by the Mountbatten Plan of June 1947, increasingly likely.Q3(c) · Peasant and Tribal Uprisings and the Revolt of 1857 · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Peasant Movements after 1857 and in the 1920s–1930s
Discuss the nature of peasant movements under the Kisan Sabhas during 1920–1940.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
1920–1940 के दौरान किसान सभाओं के अधीन कृषक आन्दोलनों के स्वरूप की विवेचना कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(c)
Approach: Trace the Kisan Sabhas from the UP and Awadh sabhas of 1918–20 to the All India Kisan Sabha of 1936, and discuss their nature: demands, methods, leadership, relations with Congress and limits.
The Kisan Sabhas organised peasant protest between 1920 and 1940, moving from local grievances to a class demand for the abolition of zamindari.
In the 1920s they were local and tied to nationalism. The UP Kisan Sabha (1918) and Baba Ramchandra's Awadh Kisan Sabha (1920) mobilised tenants in Pratapgarh, Rae Bareli and Sultanpur against bedakhli, nazrana and begar. When peasants turned violent, Congress drew back. Gyanendra Pandey argues that it restrained them to protect landlord support.
In the 1930s they grew radical and national. Swami Sahajanand Saraswati founded the Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha (1929). The All India Kisan Sabha (Lucknow, 1936), with N.G. Ranga as secretary, adopted a Kisan Manifesto demanding abolition of zamindari, rent reduction and debt cancellation.
Socialists and communists led them within the Congress fold, and the Faizpur agrarian programme (1936) and the tenancy laws of the Congress ministries followed.
The sabhas thus combined anti-colonial nationalism with class struggle, though their base lay mainly among tenants and middle peasants rather than landless labourers.
Question 4 (50 marks)
Q4(a) · The Gandhian Era, 1915–1947 · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Rise of Gandhi and the Character of Gandhian Nationalism
Discuss how the Satyagrahas of Gandhi removed the spell of fear among Indians and thus knocked off an important pillar of imperialism.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
विवेचना कीजिए कि गाँधी के सत्याग्रहों ने किस प्रकार भारतीयों के बीच भय के दौर को समाप्त किया था तथा इस प्रकार साम्राज्यवाद के एक महत्त्वपूर्ण खम्बे को उखाड़ फेंका था।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(a)
Approach: Discuss how fear sustained colonial rule, how Gandhian satyagraha broke it (methods, examples, testimony), and whether this really knocked out a pillar of imperialism, with limits.
British rule in India rested on force and on consent. Bipan Chandra argues that its hegemony depended on the belief that it was benevolent and invincible, and on the fear of its police, courts and army. Fear of punishment kept peasants, clerks and traders obedient.
Satyagraha attacked this fear directly. It asked people to break unjust laws openly, accept arrest, beatings and loss of property without retaliation, and refuse to cooperate. Once jail lost its terror, the state's main weapon lost much of its force.
Examples: in Champaran (1917) Gandhi defied an order to leave the district and the government withdrew the case; peasants who had feared planters testified openly. In Kheda (1918) and Bardoli (1928) peasants refused revenue despite threats of confiscation. During Non-Cooperation about 30,000 people courted arrest by early 1922, and in the Civil Disobedience movement about 90,000 were jailed in 1930–31. At Dharasana (May 1930) volunteers advanced in rows to be struck down, as the American journalist Webb Miller reported.
Testimony: Jawaharlal Nehru wrote in The Discovery of India that the essence of Gandhi's teaching was fearlessness, and that his coming removed the pervasive fear that had gripped Indians. Women, students and villagers entered politics, which showed this change.
Limits: the Raj still had a strong army and used repression effectively in 1932–34 and 1942. Fear of violence was not the only pillar; collaboration of princes, landlords and loyal services and divide and rule remained. Some groups, such as many Muslims and depressed classes, stayed outside Gandhian campaigns.
Overall, by teaching Indians to face the state without fear, satyagraha weakened the moral authority and coercive power on which imperialism stood, and made continued rule by consent impossible.Q4(b) · India after Independence · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Ecology, Environmental Policy and Science in Independent India
How far the developments in science and technology in post-Independence period put India on the path of modernity?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
स्वतन्त्रता-उपरान्त अवधि में विज्ञान एवं प्रौद्योगिकी के विकासों ने कहाँ तक भारत को आधुनिकीकरण के पथ पर अग्रसर कर दिया है?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(b)
Approach: 'How far' needs a measured verdict. Show the institutions and achievements (atomic energy, space, agriculture, education, policy), then the limits of modernity (social attitudes, spending, inequality, critiques), and conclude.
Nehru saw science as the road to modernity: he wanted India to adopt a 'scientific temper' and to use science to end poverty and dependence.
Institutions: CSIR (1942) expanded into a chain of national laboratories; Homi Bhabha led the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (1945), the Atomic Energy Commission (1948) and the Department of Atomic Energy (1954); and the IITs began at Kharagpur in 1951. The Scientific Policy Resolution of 4 March 1958 committed the state to science as an instrument of national progress.
Achievements: Apsara (1956) was Asia's first research reactor. Vikram Sarabhai's INCOSPAR launched a sounding rocket from Thumba in 1963, ISRO was formed in 1969, and Aryabhata went into orbit in 1975. The Green Revolution, led by M.S. Swaminathan and others, made India self-sufficient in food grains, and Pokhran (1974) showed nuclear capability.
Social modernity: Scientific training built a professional middle class, and Article 51A(h) (1976) made developing scientific temper a fundamental duty.
Limits: Literacy remained low, superstition and caste persisted, research spending stayed small, and many scientists emigrated. The Green Revolution widened regional and class gaps and harmed soils and water.
Critiques: Itty Abraham and Jahnavi Phalkey show how science served the state's legitimacy, and Ashis Nandy criticises the alliance of science and state power.
Science and technology gave India the institutions and capacities of a modern state, but social modernity advanced far more slowly.Q4(c) · India after Independence · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Integration of Princely States and Princes in Electoral Politics
Throw light on the nature of ‘Instrument of Accession’ and ‘Standstill Agreement’ signed by the Princely States with the Indian Union.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारतीय संघ के साथ राजसी रियासतों के द्वारा हस्ताक्षरित ‘अधिमिलन प्रपत्र (इन्स्ट्रुमेन्ट ऑफ एक्सेशन)’ और ‘ठहराव समझौता (स्टैंडस्टिल एग्रीमेंट)’ के स्वरूप पर प्रकाश डालिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(c)
Approach: Explain each document (what it covered, its legal basis, its limits), how they worked together, and their significance, with examples.
When British paramountcy lapsed on 15 August 1947, India needed a legal way to bring the princely states in. The States Department under Patel and V.P. Menon devised two documents.
Instrument of Accession: By signing it a ruler ceded to the Dominion of India only three subjects, defence, external affairs and communications. It did not commit him to accept any future constitution, and he kept internal autonomy. It was limited, so princes could sign without losing face, and it was signed by nearly all states by 15 August.
Standstill Agreement: This kept existing arrangements between the states and the government, such as customs, posts and telegraphs, railways and currency, in force until new agreements were made. It prevented an administrative breakdown.
In practice: Hyderabad signed only a Standstill Agreement (November 1947); Kashmir offered one to both dominions, and Pakistan accepted it. In both, the absence of accession led to crisis.
Both were thus transitional tools: accession gave legal unity, and later merger agreements completed the states' full integration.
Question 5 (50 marks)
Q5(a) · Enlightenment, Revolutions and Modern Politics · 10 marks≈ 7 min
The Enlightenment: Kant, Rousseau and Its Spread to the Colonies
“Kant’s redefinition of reason and his rehabilitation of conscience marked a high point in the intellectual reaction against dominant rationalism of the Enlightenment.” Critically examine.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“कान्ट के तर्क की पुनर्परिभाषा तथा उसके द्वारा अन्तश्चेतना की पुनःस्थापना, प्रबोध (इनलाइटेनमेंट) के प्रभावशाली तर्कबुद्धिवाद के विरुद्ध बौद्धिक प्रतिक्रिया के एक उच्च बिन्दु का सूचक था।” समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(a)
Approach: Explain what Kant changed in the idea of reason and morality, show why it can be read as a reaction against rationalism, then show he was also the Enlightenment's culmination.
Kant (1724–1804) wrote when Hume's scepticism had shaken confidence in reason.
Redefinition of reason: in the Critique of Pure Reason (1781) Kant argued that the mind does not simply copy nature; it orders experience through its own forms and categories. Reason cannot prove God, freedom or the soul, which limited the rationalism of Leibniz and Wolff.
Rehabilitation of conscience: the Critique of Practical Reason (1788) grounded morality in the inner moral law, the categorical imperative, binding regardless of consequences.
Reaction? By limiting knowledge to make room for faith and duty, Kant opened the way to German idealism and Romanticism; Isaiah Berlin saw his stress on the autonomous will as a root of the Romantic revolt.
Or culmination? Yet Kant also wrote What is Enlightenment? (1784), defended free public reason and grounded morality in reason, not revelation.
Kant corrected the Enlightenment's overconfident rationalism from within rather than rejecting it.Q5(b) · Enlightenment, Revolutions and Modern Politics · 10 marks≈ 7 min
The French Revolution and Its Aftermath, 1789–1815
“The spirit behind the great reforms of Napoleon’s Consulate at home was the transference of the methods of Bonaparte the general to the task of Bonaparte the statesman.” Critically examine.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“गृह में नेपोलियन के कांसुली शासन के अन्तर्गत महान सुधारों के पीछे की भावना बोनापार्ट सेनानायक की विधियों का बोनापार्ट राजमर्मज्ञ के कार्य के लिए हस्तान्तरण करना था।” समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(b)
Approach: List the Consulate's reforms and show the military methods (command, speed, centralisation, merit) behind them, then qualify by pointing to continuity and collective work.
As First Consul (1799–1804) Napoleon carried out the reforms that gave France its modern institutions.
The reforms: the Constitution of the Year VIII; prefects in every department (1800); the Bank of France (1800); a centralised tax system; the Concordat (1801); the lycées (1802); the Legion of Honour (1802); and the Civil Code (1804).
Military methods: the structure was a chain of command, with the First Consul at the top, prefects and mayors as appointed officers, and decisions taken quickly and enforced uniformly. He chose men by ability regardless of past loyalties, demanded information and discipline, and treated administration as a campaign to restore order after the Directory's chaos.
Qualification: the reforms also continued the centralisation of the old monarchy, as Tocqueville argued, and completed revolutionary projects such as codification. They were collective work of jurists and experts such as Portalis, Cambacérès and Gaudin in the Council of State.
The general's methods gave the reforms their speed and uniformity, but their substance drew on the old regime and the revolution.Q5(c) · Enlightenment, Revolutions and Modern Politics · 10 marks≈ 7 min
British Democratic Politics, 1815–1850: Reformers, Free Traders and Chartists
“The roots of the Chartist movement in Great Britain were partly political and partly economic.” Critically examine.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“ग्रेट ब्रिटेन में चार्टिस्ट आन्दोलन की जड़ें आंशिक रूप से राजनीतिक एवं आंशिक रूप से आर्थिक थीं।” समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(c)
Approach: Explain the political roots and the economic roots of Chartism with evidence and historians, then judge their relative weight.
Chartism (1838–58) was the first mass working-class political movement in Britain.
Political roots: working men felt betrayed by the Reform Act of 1832, which they had supported but which excluded them. The Whigs then passed the New Poor Law (1834), and the Tolpuddle Martyrs were transported the same year. The Charter's six points were wholly political, rooted in the radical tradition of Paine and Cobbett.
Economic roots: the movement peaked in years of depression and high bread prices (1837–42, 1847–48); handloom weavers and northern textile workers were its strongest supporters, and the Plug Plot strikes of 1842 linked it to wage struggles. The Chartist preacher J.R. Stephens called it a 'knife and fork question'.
Historiography: Mark Hovell and Asa Briggs stressed economic and local conditions; Gareth Stedman Jones argued that Chartists blamed a corrupt state rather than capitalism; Dorothy Thompson stressed class consciousness.
Economic distress gave Chartism its mass following, while political exclusion gave it its programme; the statement is valid.Q5(d) · Industrialisation, Nationalism and Imperialism · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Rise of Nationalism and the Unification of Germany and Italy
“18 January, 1871 had been a day of triumph for the strength and pride of Germany and 28 June, 1919 was the day of chastisement.” Critically examine.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“18 जनवरी, 1871 जर्मनी की ताकत एवं गौरव के लिए विजय का दिन था तथा 28 जून, 1919 उसके दण्ड का दिन था।” समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(d)
Approach: Explain the two dates and the symbolism of the Hall of Mirrors, then examine how far 1919 was a 'chastisement' and how far Germany's strength survived.
On 18 January 1871 the German Empire was proclaimed in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, after the defeat of France. On 28 June 1919, in the same hall, Germany signed the Treaty of Versailles.
Triumph of 1871: The ceremony crowned Bismarck's wars, displayed Prussian military power and humiliated France, which also lost Alsace-Lorraine.
Chastisement of 1919: The victors chose the place deliberately. Germany lost Alsace-Lorraine, the Polish Corridor and all its colonies, its army was limited to 100,000 men, the Rhineland was demilitarised, and Article 231, the war guilt clause, justified reparations. Germans called it a dictated peace.
Qualifications: Germany remained united and potentially Europe's strongest power, as A.J.P. Taylor stressed. Keynes condemned the treaty as a Carthaginian peace, but later historians such as Sally Marks consider it less harsh than claimed.
The two dates mark the rise and humiliation of German power, though 1919 left the potential for revival intact.Q5(e) · Decolonisation, European Unity and the End of the Cold War · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Unification of Europe: NATO, the European Community and the European Union
“The collapse of Berlin Wall on 9 November, 1989 brought new meaning to the idea of cooperation in Europe.” Critically examine.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“9 नवम्बर, 1989 को बर्लिन दीवार के विध्वंस ने यूरोप में सहयोग के विचार को नया अर्थ प्रदान किया था।” समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(e)
Approach: Critically examine the claim: show how 1989 widened and deepened European co-operation, then the continuities with earlier integration and the new divisions it produced, and conclude.
The opening of the Berlin Wall on 9 November 1989 ended the division of Europe that had defined co-operation since 1945, when integration meant Western Europe alone.
Deepening: German reunification (3 October 1990) pushed France and Germany to bind the larger Germany into Europe; the Maastricht Treaty (1992) created the EU and a timetable for the euro.
Widening: the Copenhagen criteria (1993) opened the way for ten states to join in 2004, and NATO's Partnership for Peace (1994) and the Charter of Paris (1990) extended co-operation in security.
Continuity: co-operation already had deep roots in the ECSC, the Treaties of Rome and the Single European Act (1986), so 1989 accelerated an existing project.
New divisions: the EU failed to stop the Yugoslav wars, the draft constitution was rejected in 2005, and relations with Russia soured.
The fall of the Wall turned West European integration into a continental project, but old national interests and new divides limited that new meaning.
Question 6 (50 marks)
Q6(a) · Industrialisation, Nationalism and Imperialism · 20 marks≈ 14 min
The English Industrial Revolution: Causes and Impact on Society
Explain why England became the harbinger of Industrial Revolution. Also throw light on its social consequences.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
स्पष्ट कीजिए कि इंग्लैन्ड औद्योगिक क्रान्ति का अग्रदूत किस कारण बना था। साथ ही इसके सामाजिक परिणामों पर भी प्रकाश डालिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(a)
Approach: Two parts: why England led (a combination of factors, with comparative historiography), then its social consequences. Give them roughly equal weight.
Britain was the first country to industrialise, between about 1760 and 1830, because several conditions came together there first.
Why England: Agricultural improvement fed a growing population and supplied labour. Coal and iron lay close together, and coasts and canals made transport cheap. Profits of overseas trade, including the Atlantic slave economy, and a banking system supplied capital. A large home market and colonial markets supplied demand, and America and India supplied raw cotton. The settlement of 1688 protected property and patents, and the navy protected trade. Practical inventors formed what Joel Mokyr calls an Industrial Enlightenment.
Robert Allen adds that high wages and cheap coal made labour-saving machines profitable, and Kenneth Pomeranz that coal and colonies let Britain escape ecological limits China also faced.
Social consequences: A new class structure of industrial bourgeoisie and an urban working class dependent on wages emerged. Towns grew rapidly and insanitary. The factory imposed long hours, child labour and time-discipline, as E.P. Thompson described, and work moved out of the household. Workers protested through Luddism (1811–16), trade unions and Chartism.
Reform followed: Factory Acts of 1833 and 1847, the Mines Act of 1842 and the Public Health Act of 1848. Optimist historians note that living standards rose after about 1850.
England led because resources, capital, markets, institutions and invention came together, and the result was a new class society.Q6(b) · Revolutions, World Wars and the Post-War World · 20 marks≈ 14 min
The World Wars as Total Wars; Causes and Consequences of World War I
Why was the First World War termed as the first ‘total’ war in modern history?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
प्रथम विश्व युद्ध को आधुनिक इतिहास में प्रथम ‘सम्पूर्ण’ युद्ध की संज्ञा क्यों दी गई थी?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(b)
Approach: The question asks why the war is called the first total war: define total war, show military, economic, political and social mobilisation and the targeting of civilians, then weigh the claim against earlier wars and the Second World War.
A total war is one in which a state mobilises all its human, economic and moral resources and the line between soldier and civilian breaks down. Ludendorff popularised the term in Der totale Krieg (1935), drawing on his experience of 1914–18.
Military mobilisation: mass conscription, even in Britain from 1916, put about 65 million men into uniform, and colonies supplied soldiers and labour.
Economic mobilisation: governments took control of industry, transport and labour. Britain set up a Ministry of Munitions under Lloyd George (1915); Germany's raw materials office under Walther Rathenau and the Hindenburg Programme (1916) directed production; rationing and price controls followed.
State and society: laws such as Britain's Defence of the Realm Act (1914) gave sweeping powers; censorship and propaganda mobilised opinion; women entered munitions factories, transport and offices; trade unions were drawn into government.
Civilians as targets: the British blockade caused hunger in Germany, as in the "turnip winter" of 1916–17; German U-boats sank merchant and passenger ships such as the Lusitania (1915); Zeppelins bombed London; occupied Belgium and northern France suffered deportations; and the Armenians were massacred.
Debate: Arthur Marwick's The Deluge (1965) treated the war as a motor of social change. Other historians, such as Roger Chickering, treat total war as an ideal type: the French levée en masse of 1793 and the American Civil War anticipated it, and the Second World War, with strategic bombing and genocide, was far more total.
The war of 1914–18 was the first modern total war because, for the first time, industrial societies as a whole were organised for war over years.Q6(c) · Revolutions, World Wars and the Post-War World · 10 marks≈ 7 min
19th-Century European Revolutions
Discuss how agrarian crisis accompanied by severe industrial depression triggered the Revolutions of 1848.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
विवेचना कीजिए कि कृषिभूमि संकट के साथ गहन औद्योगिक मंदी ने 1848 की क्रान्तियों को किस प्रकार उत्पन्न किया था।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(c)
Approach: The question asks how economic crisis triggered 1848: explain the agrarian crisis and the industrial and financial depression and their social effects, then weigh them against political causes.
The French historian Ernest Labrousse argued that 1848, like 1789, followed an economic crisis of an old type, in which a harvest failure spread into industry.
Agrarian crisis: potato blight struck Ireland, Flanders and Germany from 1845, and the grain harvest of 1846 failed across much of Europe. Food prices rose sharply, peasants and the urban poor went hungry, and food riots broke out, as in the Berlin "potato revolution" of April 1847.
Industrial depression: high food prices cut demand for manufactures; the railway speculation boom collapsed in 1847, causing bank failures and bankruptcies; and artisans were pushed into distress. Unemployed workers swelled the crowds of Paris, Vienna and Berlin.
Limits: the harvest of 1847 was better and prices were falling by early 1848, and Britain, also hit, had no revolution. The economic crisis prepared discontent, but the triggers were political: Guizot's refusal of reform, the banquet ban and resentment of Metternich's system.
Economic crisis thus supplied the mass base, while liberal and national ideas supplied leadership and aims.
Question 7 (50 marks)
Q7(a) · Industrialisation, Nationalism and Imperialism · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Rise of Nationalism and the Unification of Germany and Italy
What determinant factors, along with diplomatic, shaped the process of German Unification?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
जर्मन एकीकरण के प्रक्रम को, राजनयिक के साथ, किन निर्धारक कारकों ने सुगठित किया था?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(a)
Approach: Identify the determinant factors beyond diplomacy (economic, military, nationalist, the weakness of Austria, international conditions), then show how Bismarck's diplomacy combined them.
German unification, completed in January 1871, is often credited to Bismarck's diplomacy, but several other factors determined its form and success.
Economic: The Zollverein (1834), led by Prussia and excluding Austria, created a common market. Railways, Ruhr coal and iron and firms such as Krupp made Prussia the strongest economy in Germany; Keynes said the empire was built on coal and iron.
Military: Roon's army reforms of the 1860s, Moltke's general staff, railways for mobilisation and the needle gun gave Prussia rapid victories at Königgrätz (1866) and Sedan (1870).
Nationalism: The Frankfurt Parliament (1848–49) showed a widespread desire for unity, and the Nationalverein (1859) spread the Kleindeutsch idea of Germany without Austria. Liberals accepted Bismarck once he delivered unity, and French aggression in 1870 roused the southern states.
Austria's weakness: Austria was multinational, financially strained, defeated in Italy in 1859 and isolated after its ambiguous neutrality in the Crimean War.
International conditions: Russia was grateful for Prussian help during the Polish revolt of 1863, Britain was uninvolved, and Napoleon III miscalculated in 1866 and 1870.
Diplomacy: Bismarck isolated each enemy and kept the wars short, from the Schleswig-Holstein question to the Ems telegram.
Unification was thus the product of Prussian economic and military strength, national feeling and a favourable European situation, which Bismarck's diplomacy combined skilfully.Q7(b) · Revolutions, World Wars and the Post-War World · 20 marks≈ 14 min
The Russian Revolution, 1917–1921
Examine the statement that “the danger of ‘Bolshevism’ dominated not only the history of the years immediately following the Russian Revolution of 1917 but the entire history of the world since that date”.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
इस कथन का परीक्षण कीजिए कि “ ‘बोल्शेविकवाद’ के खतरे ने न केवल 1917 की रूसी क्रान्ति के तुरन्त बाद के वर्षों के इतिहास को ही प्रभावित किया था, अपितु उस तारीख के बाद से विश्व के सम्पूर्ण इतिहास को भी प्रभावित किया था”।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(b)
Approach: The question asks you to examine how far fear of Bolshevism shaped world history after 1917: trace its effect in the interwar years, in the Second World War and in the Cold War, then weigh other forces that shaped the century.
The October Revolution created the first state committed to world revolution, and the fear it inspired among propertied classes and Western governments became a lasting force in international and domestic politics.
Immediate years: Britain, France, the USA and Japan intervened in the Russian Civil War (1918–20); the Spartacist rising in Berlin (1919), the Bavarian and Hungarian soviet republics under Béla Kun and the Biennio Rosso in Italy (1919–20) alarmed Europe; the USA had its Red Scare of 1919–20; and a cordon sanitaire of new states was used to isolate Soviet Russia.
Interwar politics: Mussolini and Hitler won middle-class and business support by promising to save the nation from Bolshevism; the Anti-Comintern Pact (1936) linked Germany and Japan; and many in Britain and France saw Hitler as a barrier to communism, one reason for appeasement and for distrust of the USSR, which ended in the Nazi-Soviet Pact of 1939.
World War and Cold War: Hitler presented Operation Barbarossa as a crusade against "Judeo-Bolshevism". After 1945 the Truman Doctrine, Marshall Plan, NATO, McCarthyism, and the wars in Korea and Vietnam were all framed as containment of communism, and the Cold War ended only with the collapse of the USSR in 1991. Hobsbawm in The Age of Extremes placed the conflict of capitalism and communism at the centre of the "short twentieth century".
Limits: fascism also grew from nationalism, defeat and depression; Nazi racial aims were not mainly anti-communist; the World Wars, decolonisation and the rise of the USA had independent causes; and Soviet example also encouraged Western welfare states and planning.
The statement is largely valid: fear of Bolshevism was one of the organising forces of the twentieth century, though not the only one.Q7(c) · Decolonisation, European Unity and the End of the Cold War · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Liberation in Latin America: Bolivar
Explain why Bolivar’s efforts failed to fructify in bringing about united stand of the Latin Americans.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
स्पष्ट कीजिए कि बोलीवार के प्रयास लातीनी अमेरिकनों के संगठित मोरचा उत्पन्न करने में फलदायक होने में किस कारण विफल हो गए थे।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(c)
Approach: The question asks why Bolívar could not unite Spanish America. Introduce his vision, explain the geographical, political, personal and external causes of failure, and close with a judgement.
Bolívar dreamt of a league of Spanish American republics, sketched in his Jamaica Letter (1815), and built Gran Colombia (1819), yet by 1830 the union had collapsed.
Geography and colonial divisions: the Andes and vast distances separated regions that Spain had ruled as separate viceroyalties, so local loyalties outweighed any continental identity.
Regional elites and caudillos: Páez in Venezuela and Santander in New Granada resisted his centralism, and in 1830 Gran Colombia split into Venezuela, Colombia and Ecuador.
His own politics: his life-presidency constitution for Bolivia (1826) and his dictatorship (1828) made liberals fear a new monarchy.
A weak Congress of Panama (1826): only Gran Colombia ratified its treaties; Argentina, Chile and Brazil stayed away, and Britain and the USA preferred separate states.
Narrow social base: a Creole revolution offered little to Indians, slaves and mestizos, so unity had no mass support.
The failure lay more in a fragmented colonial legacy than in Bolívar's vision; his lament that he had ploughed the sea sums it up.
Question 8 (50 marks)
Q8(a) · Revolutions, World Wars and the Post-War World · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Fascist Counter-Revolution in Italy and Germany
Examine the circumstances which led to the overthrow of democracy and the establishment of Fascist dictatorship in Italy.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
इटली में जनतन्त्र को उखाड़ फेंकने एवं फासीवादी तानाशाही को स्थापित करने वाली परिस्थितियों का परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(a)
Approach: The question asks you to examine the circumstances in Italy: show the weaknesses of the liberal state, the impact of the war and its aftermath, the rise of squadrismo and the March on Rome, then the steps from government to dictatorship, with a historiographical close.
Italy became the first European democracy to fall to fascism. Liberal Italy had a narrow base: government rested on trasformismo, deals among notables.
War and aftermath: Italy lost about 600,000 soldiers, ran up huge debts and suffered inflation and unemployment. The peace gave it Trentino and South Tyrol but not Dalmatia or Fiume, and nationalists spoke of a "mutilated victory". The 1919 election under proportional representation made the Socialists and Popolari the largest parties, so stable majorities became impossible.
Fear of revolution: during the Biennio Rosso (1919–20) peasants seized land and workers occupied factories in September 1920; the government's passivity convinced landowners and industrialists that the state could not protect property.
Rise of squadrismo: from late 1920 Fascist squads, financed by agrarians in the Po valley, burned socialist offices with police tolerance. Giolitti included Fascists in his National Blocs in 1921, giving them 35 seats.
March on Rome: in October 1922 King Victor Emmanuel III refused to sign the martial law decree and invited Mussolini to form a government. The Acerbo Law (1923), the violent 1924 election, the murder of Matteotti and the failure of the Aventine opposition were followed by the January 1925 speech and the laws of 1925–26 that created a one-party dictatorship.
Historiography: Benedetto Croce called fascism a "parenthesis" in liberal Italy's history, while Marxists saw it as a revelation of the weaknesses of Italian capitalism and the liberal state; Renzo De Felice stressed the support of the middle classes.
Democracy fell not to a revolutionary seizure but through the weakness of the liberal state and the surrender of the king and the elites to organised violence.Q8(b) · Decolonisation, European Unity and the End of the Cold War · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Collapse of the Soviet Union and Changes in Eastern Europe (1985–2001)
“By 1980s, the Communist System of Soviet Union was incapable of maintaining the country’s role as a Superpower.” Substantiate.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“1980 के दशक तक आते-आते, सोवियत संघ की साम्यवादी व्यवस्था देश को एक महाशक्ति की भूमिका में बनाए रखने में असमर्थ थी।” प्रमाण दीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(b)
Approach: Substantiate the statement with evidence of economic, technological, military, political and imperial strain by the 1980s, then add a brief qualification on what the USSR could still do, and conclude.
By the 1980s the Soviet Union was a military superpower resting on an economy and political system that could no longer sustain that role.
Economic stagnation: growth fell sharply under Brezhnev, the so-called era of stagnation; the command economy produced quantity, not quality, and from the 1970s the USSR imported large amounts of grain from the West.
Technological lag: the planned system could not match the West in computers and electronics, which were becoming the basis of both industry and modern weapons.
Military burden: defence absorbed a far larger share of national output than in the USA, and Reagan's build-up and the Strategic Defense Initiative (1983) threatened a costlier race.
Oil dependence: export earnings rested on oil and gas, and the collapse of oil prices in 1986 cut hard currency for imports.
Imperial overstretch: the war in Afghanistan (1979-89), subsidies to Eastern Europe, Cuba and Vietnam, and the Solidarity crisis in Poland (1980-81) drained resources.
Political sclerosis: an ageing leadership saw three General Secretaries die between 1982 and 1985; corruption, alcoholism and falling male life expectancy showed social decay.
Qualification: the USSR still had nuclear parity and internal stability, and Stephen Kotkin argues that it could have limped on; collapse came only when Gorbachev's reforms removed its supports.
The evidence confirms that by the 1980s the communist system could keep up the outward forms of superpower status but not its economic and technological foundations.Q8(c) · Industrialisation, Nationalism and Imperialism · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Imperialism in South and South-East Asia
Examine the nature of Dutch imperialism in Indonesia.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
इन्डोनेशिया में डच साम्राज्यवाद के स्वरूप का परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(c)
Approach: Trace the phases of Dutch rule (VOC, Cultivation System, Liberal period, Ethical Policy) and characterise its nature: extractive, indirect, plural.
Dutch power in Indonesia began with the VOC (1602), which controlled the spice trade and parts of Java. After the VOC dissolved in 1799, the Dutch state took over.
Extraction: After the Java War (1825–30) against Prince Diponegoro, Governor-General van den Bosch introduced the Cultivation System (1830), forcing Javanese villages to grow export crops such as coffee, sugar and indigo for the state. It produced large profits for the Netherlands but famines in Java in the 1840s, exposed in Multatuli's novel Max Havelaar (1860).
Liberal period: The Agrarian Law (1870) opened Java to private plantations. The long Aceh War (1873–1904) completed territorial conquest.
Ethical Policy (1901) promised welfare, education and irrigation, but results were limited.
Nature: Rule was indirect, through Javanese regents and priyayi. J.S. Furnivall described a plural society of Europeans, Chinese and natives meeting only in the market, and Clifford Geertz argued that Javanese agriculture underwent 'involution'. Dutch imperialism was among the most extractive colonial systems.
