UPSC Mains 2025 Sociology Optional Question Papers with Model Answers
All 56 questions of the 2025 Civil Services Main Examination, Sociology Paper I and Sociology Paper II, with marks and a suggested time per part. Solve each part on paper first, then open the model answer, or send it to answer-writing practice for evaluation.
UPSC Mains 2025 Sociology Paper I
Question 1 (50 marks)
Q1(a) · Sociology: The Discipline · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Sociology and Common Sense
What is common sense? How are common knowledge and sociology related to each other? Explain.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
सामान्य बुद्धि क्या है? सामान्य ज्ञान और समाजशास्त्र एक-दूसरे से कैसे सम्बन्धित हैं? व्याख्या कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(a)
Approach: Define common sense and common knowledge, then explain their relationship with sociology: differences (method, generality, self-criticism), and continuities (sociology studies and builds on them), with Indian examples.
Common sense is the everyday, practical knowledge people take for granted, learnt through socialisation and experience rather than systematic study. It is unreflective, local and often contradictory, and it tends to treat social arrangements as natural.
Differences: sociology uses systematic method, precise concepts, comparison and theory, and its findings are open to testing. Durkheim asked sociologists to discard such 'prenotions'. André Béteille (1996) argued that sociology differs from common sense through comparative method and systematic evidence.
Relationship: sociology also studies common knowledge. Schutz showed that everyday life rests on stocks of knowledge, and Garfinkel's ethnomethodology studied how people make sense of daily life. Giddens' double hermeneutic shows sociological ideas entering common language.
Indian example: common sense says India's joint family is disappearing; A.M. Shah's household studies showed that small households were always common and joint ties persist.
Thus sociology begins from common knowledge but tests, corrects and explains it.Q1(b) · Sociology: The Discipline · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Scope of Sociology and Comparison with Other Social Sciences
What is the relationship (similarities and differences) between sociology and history in terms of their area of study and methodology? Discuss.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
अध्ययन-क्षेत्र और पद्धति के सन्दर्भ में समाजशास्त्र और इतिहास के मध्य क्या सम्बन्ध (समानताएँ एवं विभिन्नताएँ) है? विवेचना कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(b)
Approach: Discuss similarities and differences in area of study (past vs present, unique vs general) and methodology (archives vs surveys and fieldwork), then convergence through historical sociology, with Indian examples.
History studies past events in their particular context; sociology studies social relations and institutions to find general patterns. The two are closely linked.
Similarities: both study human society and social change; both interpret meanings and causes. Weber's comparative studies of religion and capitalism and Marx's historical materialism are both historical and sociological.
Differences in area: history is mainly idiographic, focusing on unique events, persons and periods; sociology is nomothetic, seeking regularities, types and concepts, and focuses more on contemporary society.
Differences in method: historians rely on archives, inscriptions and documents; sociologists use surveys, interviews, participant observation and statistics, though they also use documents.
Convergence: historical sociology (Barrington Moore, 1966) and social history narrow the gap. In India, Ghurye's Indological approach used texts to study caste, Bernard Cohn combined anthropology with colonial archives, and Subaltern Studies wrote history from below.
Thus history supplies depth and sociology supplies generalisation; each needs the other.Q1(c) · Research Methods and Analysis · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Variables, Sampling, Hypothesis, Reliability and Validity
What is a variable in social research? What are their different types? Elaborate.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
सामाजिक अनुसन्धान में चर क्या है? इनके विभिन्न प्रकार क्या हैं? विस्तार से समझाइए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(c)
Approach: Define a variable as the measurable form of a concept, then elaborate its types by causal role and by level of measurement, each with an Indian example.
A variable is a characteristic that can take different values across people, groups or time. It is the measurable form of an abstract concept, obtained through operationalisation: ‘social status’ becomes years of schooling or occupational rank.
By causal role: the independent variable is the presumed cause (mother’s education) and the dependent variable the presumed effect (child’s immunisation); an intervening variable links them (awareness of health services); an extraneous or confounding variable affects both and can create a spurious relationship (household wealth); a moderating variable changes the strength of a relationship (rural or urban residence); a control variable is held constant to isolate the effect.
By level of measurement: nominal (caste, religion), ordinal (ranked class categories), interval (attitude scale scores) and ratio (income, age). Variables may also be discrete, such as number of children, or continuous, such as height.
Durkheim used religion and marital status as indicators of integration in Suicide, and NFHS-5 operationalises women’s empowerment through decision-making and bank account ownership. Correct classification decides which statistical tests a researcher can use.Q1(d) · Sociological Thinkers: Parsons, Merton and Mead · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Robert K. Merton: Functions, Conformity and Deviance, Reference Groups
Can Merton's reference group theory be relevant in understanding 'identity making' in digital world? Explain.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या डिजिटल विश्व में 'पहचान निर्माण' को समझने में मर्टन का संदर्भ समूह सिद्धान्त प्रासंगिक हो सकता है? व्याख्या कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(d)
Approach: Define reference group and its key ideas (relative deprivation, anticipatory socialisation, membership and non-membership groups), apply them to online identity-making with examples, and note limits.
Robert K. Merton (with Alice Kitt, 1950; Social Theory and Social Structure, 1957), building on Herbert Hyman, defined a reference group as a group whose standards an individual uses to evaluate himself and shape his attitudes, whether or not he belongs to it. Its key ideas are relative deprivation and anticipatory socialisation.
The theory is highly relevant online. Social media multiply non-membership reference groups: influencers, celebrities and distant peers. Young Indians on Instagram or YouTube adopt the dress, speech and lifestyle of urban elites (anticipatory socialisation); comparison with curated images produces relative deprivation, anxiety and status competition.
Online communities of caste, religion, fandom or profession also serve as normative reference groups that define who 'we' are.
However, digital identity has new features: groups are fluid and algorithm-driven, identities are performed, as Goffman would say, and users can switch reference groups quickly. Merton's framework explains comparison and aspiration well, but must be supplemented by ideas of networked and performative identity.Q1(e) · Stratification and Mobility · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Dimensions of Stratification: Class, Status, Gender, Ethnicity and Race
Is the social stratification theory gender-blind? Elucidate.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या सामाजिक स्तरीकरण का सिद्धान्त लैंगिक रूप से अंधा है? स्पष्ट कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(e)
Approach: Explain the charge of gender-blindness against classical theories (Acker, Walby), note the conventional view (Goldthorpe) and the feminist alternatives, with an Indian example.
Joan Acker (1973) called classical stratification theory a case of 'intellectual sexism' because Marx, Weber and Davis–Moore analysed inequality among men or families and treated women as invisible. In that sense the theory has been largely gender-blind.
Its assumptions show this: the family is the unit of stratification and its class is that of the male head, as John Goldthorpe (1983) defended; women's unpaid domestic work is not counted as production; and gender is treated as natural difference rather than social inequality.
Feminists corrected this. Sylvia Walby (Theorizing Patriarchy, 1990) treated patriarchy as a system of six structures, including paid work, household production and violence; Michelle Stanworth (1984) argued that women should be classified individually; Kimberlé Crenshaw's intersectionality (1989) showed that gender combines with race and class.
In India, Uma Chakravarti's concept of Brahmanical patriarchy shows caste purity maintained through control of women's sexuality. Theory is now less gender-blind, but mainstream class schemes still struggle to place women's work.
Question 2 (50 marks)
Q2(a) · Sociology as Science · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Positivism and Its Critique
What is positivism? Critically analyze the major arguments against it.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
प्रत्यक्षवाद क्या है? इसके विरुद्ध प्रमुख तर्कों का आलोचनात्मक विश्लेषण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(a)
Approach: Define positivism through Comte and Durkheim, set out the main arguments against it by school and thinker, then critically evaluate those arguments with the positivist defence and Indian examples.
Positivism holds that valid knowledge rests on observable facts and their lawful relations, found by the methods of natural science. Auguste Comte gave the programme through his law of three stages, ending in the positive stage, and Durkheim gave the method: treat social facts as things and explain them by other social facts, as in Suicide (1897). Later, the Vienna Circle and American survey sociology (Lundberg, Lazarsfeld) carried it forward.
The arguments against it come from several directions. Interpretivists (Weber, Winch) say human action is meaningful and must be understood, not only observed. Phenomenologists and ethnomethodologists (Schutz, Garfinkel, Cicourel) show that social facts are constructed; Douglas and Atkinson found suicide statistics shaped by coroners. Popper argued that verification can never prove a law, and Kuhn that observation is theory-laden. The Frankfurt School (Horkheimer, Adorno, Marcuse) said positivism accepts the status quo, feminists such as Dorothy Smith found a male viewpoint behind neutrality, and Bhaskar's realism held that it confuses regularities with causes.
Indian cases support these criticisms. Poverty in 2011–12 was 21.9 percent by the Tendulkar method and 29.5 percent by Rangarajan's; Bernard Cohn and Nicholas Dirks argued that colonial census ranking hardened caste; and NCRB records far fewer cases of domestic violence than NFHS-5 (2019–21) reports.
Yet the critique has limits. Without measurement, sociology cannot test claims, compare societies or guide policy, and most critics also use numbers. Weber accepted causal explanation; Popper's falsification and Bhaskar's realism are reforms of science, not rejections of it. Interpretive work has its own problems of reliability and generalisation.
Flow chart: naive positivism → critiques of meaning, construction, values and power → post-positivism and mixed methods.
Thus the arguments refute naive positivism, not the scientific ideal. Today's post-positivist research keeps measurement while admitting meaning, values and the provisional nature of knowledge.Q2(b) · Sociological Thinkers: Marx and Durkheim · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Karl Marx: Historical Materialism and Mode of Production
Highlight the main features of historical materialism as propounded by Marx. How far is this theory relevant in understanding contemporary societies? Explain.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
मार्क्स द्वारा प्रतिपादित ऐतिहासिक भौतिकवाद की मुख्य विशेषताओं पर प्रकाश डालिए। समकालीन समाजों को समझने में यह सिद्धान्त किस सीमा तक प्रासंगिक है? व्याख्या कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(b)
Approach: First list the main features of historical materialism from Marx’s 1859 Preface and the Manifesto; then judge its relevance today with Indian and world examples, noting its limits.
Historical materialism is Marx’s theory that the way people produce their material life shapes the rest of society and drives history. Its classic statement is the Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (1859): social being determines consciousness, not the reverse.
Main features: (i) the economic base, made of forces and relations of production, conditions the superstructure of law, politics, religion and ideas; (ii) history passes through modes of production, primitive communist, ancient, feudal and capitalist, with socialism to follow; (iii) change comes when growing forces clash with old relations; (iv) this contradiction appears as class struggle, the motor of history.
Flow chart: forces of production grow → clash with relations of production → class struggle → revolution → new mode of production
Relevance today: the theory still explains much. Thomas Piketty’s work shows wealth concentrating in capital; platform capitalism controls dispersed workers through ownership of apps; and climate change is read through John Bellamy Foster’s idea of a metabolic rift. In India, the Green Revolution created capitalist farmers and landless labourers, and agrarian distress and gig work show how economic change reshapes family, politics and culture.
Limits: Weber showed that ideas such as the Protestant ethic can shape the economy; revolutions came in peasant Russia and China, not industrial Britain; the welfare state and a large middle class blunted polarisation; and caste, gender, religion and identity politics in India cannot be reduced to class.
Conclusion: read as a method that starts from material conditions, not a fixed law, historical materialism remains highly relevant for contemporary societies.Q2(c) · Research Methods and Analysis · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Variables, Sampling, Hypothesis, Reliability and Validity
What do you mean by reliability? Discuss the importance of reliability in social science research.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
विश्वसनीयता से आप क्या समझते हैं? सामाजिक विज्ञान अनुसन्धान में विश्वसनीयता के महत्त्व की विवेचना कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(c)
Approach: Define reliability with its main types, then discuss its importance in social science research with Indian survey examples, and note that reliability alone does not ensure validity.
Reliability is the consistency of a measure: the same tool, used again under similar conditions or by different researchers, should give the same results. Its forms are test-retest reliability (over time), inter-rater reliability (between observers) and internal consistency (between items of a scale, measured by Cronbach’s alpha, 1951).
Importance: first, it makes research replicable, so that findings can be checked by others, a core requirement of science stressed by positivists from Durkheim to Lazarsfeld. Second, it allows comparison across groups and over time; NFHS rounds can track child marriage or anaemia only because the same standardised questions are asked each time. Third, it reduces random error from vague questions or untrained interviewers, which matters in India where enumerators of different languages and castes work across diverse regions.
However, a measure can be reliable but invalid: counting only registered complaints gives a consistent but misleading measure of domestic violence.
Hence reliability is a necessary but not sufficient condition for good research and must be combined with validity.
Question 3 (50 marks)
Q3(a) · Stratification and Mobility · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Equality, Inequality, Hierarchy, Exclusion, Poverty and Deprivation
Compare capability deprivation approach with that of social capital deprivation in understanding chronic poverty.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
दीर्घकालिक निर्धनता को समझने में क्षमता अभाव परिप्रेक्ष्य की तुलना सामाजिक पूँजी अभाव परिप्रेक्ष्य से कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(a)
Approach: Explain chronic poverty, then the capability deprivation approach (Sen) and the social capital deprivation approach (Bourdieu, Putnam, Woolcock), compare them point by point with Indian examples, and conclude that they complement each other.
Chronic poverty lasts for long periods or passes between generations, as among landless Dalit labourers or displaced Adivasi households. Two approaches explain why such households cannot escape.
The capability deprivation approach of Amartya Sen (Development as Freedom, 1999) sees poverty not as low income but as the lack of real freedoms to achieve valued functionings such as being healthy, literate and well nourished. Conversion factors like gender, disability and region decide what a person can do with income. It underlies the Alkire–Foster multidimensional poverty index; NITI Aayog estimated that India's multidimensional poverty fell from 29.17% (2013–14) to 11.28% (2022–23).
The social capital deprivation approach stresses missing networks and trust. Pierre Bourdieu saw social capital as resources gained through durable networks, unequally distributed by class; Robert Putnam (Bowling Alone, 2000) separated bonding from bridging capital, and Michael Woolcock added linking capital to people in power. The poor often have bonding ties but lack bridging and linking ties to jobs, credit and officials.
Comparison: Sen's approach is individual-centred and focuses on freedoms; the social capital approach is relational and group-centred. Sen explains persistence through ill health, illiteracy and gender bias; social capital explains reproduction through closed networks, as when Dalit youths lack referrals in private hiring. Sen is criticised for neglecting power; social capital for romanticising community and shifting the burden to the poor (Ben Fine).
Flow chart: Low capabilities (health, education) + weak bridging and linking ties → exclusion from jobs, credit and state schemes → low income and assets → poverty passed to the next generation.
Kerala's Kudumbashree (1998) self-help groups build social capital, while nutrition, schooling and health schemes build capabilities. The two approaches are complementary: capabilities give the ability to act, networks the opportunity to use it.Q3(b) · Politics and Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Theories of Power, Power Elite, Bureaucracy, Pressure Groups and Parties
Are pressure groups a threat to or a necessary element of democracy? Explain with suitable illustrations.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या दबाव समूह लोकतन्त्र के लिए एक खतरा है या एक आवश्यक तत्त्व? उपयुक्त उदाहरणों के साथ व्याख्या कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(b)
Approach: Take a balanced position: define pressure groups, show their democratic functions (pluralist view, Rudolphs), then the threats (elite and Marxist critiques, Lindblom, Olson), with Indian illustrations, and conclude that regulated pressure groups are necessary.
Pressure groups are organised groups that seek to influence public policy without trying to capture government. They may be sectional (FICCI, trade unions, Bharatiya Kisan Union) or promotional, working for a cause (Narmada Bachao Andolan, environmental NGOs).
A necessary element: for pluralists such as Robert Dahl, democracy is a competition among many groups, none of which dominates, and groups carry citizens' demands to the state between elections. Tocqueville saw associations as schools of democracy. In India, Lloyd and Susanne Rudolph (The Modernity of Tradition, 1967) showed that caste associations such as the Vanniyar Kula Kshatriya Sangam taught backward castes to bargain politically, widening participation.
Indian illustrations: the campaign of the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan led to the Right to Information Act 2005; women's groups after the December 2012 Delhi gang rape secured the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013; farmer unions forced the repeal of the three farm laws in 2021.
A threat: groups are unequal. Mancur Olson (1965) showed that small, concentrated interests organise more easily than large diffuse publics; Charles Lindblom spoke of the privileged position of business; Mills and Marxists such as Miliband see well-funded lobbies as part of a ruling class. Lobbying by the National Rifle Association in the USA and opaque corporate funding of parties in India show how groups can capture policy.
Some caste or religious bodies also press narrow claims against constitutional values.
Pressure groups are thus a necessary element of democracy, because they voice interests that parties ignore, but they become a threat when access is unequal and secret. Transparent political funding and space for weaker groups keep them democratic.Q3(c) · Research Methods and Analysis · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Variables, Sampling, Hypothesis, Reliability and Validity
What is hypothesis? Critically evaluate the significance of hypothesis in social research.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
उपकल्पना क्या है? सामाजिक अनुसन्धान में उपकल्पना के महत्त्व का आलोचनात्मक मूल्यांकन कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(c)
Approach: Define hypothesis (Goode and Hatt) with an Indian example, explain its significance, then critically evaluate it with the views of Popper, grounded theorists and interpretivists, ending with a balanced judgement.
A hypothesis is a tentative statement of the relationship between two or more variables; Goode and Hatt (Methods in Social Research, 1952) define it as a proposition that can be put to a test to determine its validity. Example: ‘the higher a woman’s education, the later her age at marriage’, testable with NFHS-5 data.
Significance: it gives direction and focus to research, decides which data to collect, links theory with evidence, and allows findings to accumulate into theory, as in Durkheim’s testing of the integration hypothesis in Suicide. Karl Popper stressed that scientific hypotheses must be falsifiable.
Critical evaluation: a rigid hypothesis may close off discovery; Glaser and Strauss’s grounded theory (1967) argued for building theory from data, and exploratory or ethnographic studies, such as Srinivas’s Rampura work, often began without one. Interpretivists add that meanings cannot always be reduced to variables, and a hypothesis may introduce the researcher’s bias.
Thus hypotheses are essential for explanatory research but not mandatory for exploratory work.
Question 4 (50 marks)
Q4(a) · Systems of Kinship · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Family, Household and Marriage: Types and Forms
Give an account of the recent trends of marriage in the Indian context. How are these different from traditional practices?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारतीय सन्दर्भ में विवाह की आधुनिक प्रवृत्तियों का विवरण दीजिए। ये परम्परागत पद्धतियों से कैसे भिन्न हैं?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(a)
Approach: The question has two parts: describe recent trends in Indian marriage with data, and contrast each with the traditional pattern. Use Kapadia for the traditional sacramental ideal, Uberoi and Srinivas for change, and NFHS-5, IHDS and recent laws and judgments for evidence.
Traditionally, Hindu marriage was a sacrament (samskara): K.M. Kapadia (Marriage and Family in India, 1955) listed its aims as dharma, praja (progeny) and rati. It was arranged by elders within caste endogamy and gotra exogamy, often contracted in childhood, indissoluble and, among upper castes, tied to hypergamy and dowry.
Rising age at marriage: child marriage among women aged 20–24 fell from 26.8% (NFHS-4, 2015–16) to 23.3% (NFHS-5, 2019–21), and education and jobs now delay marriage among the urban middle class. Traditional marriage stressed early marriage to protect purity.
Choice within arrangement: Patricia Uberoi (Freedom and Destiny, 2006) shows the spread of 'love-cum-arranged' and self-arranged marriages, in which young people choose but seek parental approval. Matrimonial websites and apps have replaced the family priest and the go-between, though they still filter by caste, religion and income.
Endogamy persists: only about 5% of marriages were inter-caste (India Human Development Survey, 2011–12). Couples who cross caste or faith face khap pressure and honour crimes; the Supreme Court responded in Shakti Vahini v. Union of India (2018) and upheld an adult's choice of partner in Shafin Jahan v. Asokan (2018).
Commercialisation: M.N. Srinivas (1984) showed dowry spreading to castes that once paid bride price, and lavish weddings have become status displays, unlike the ritual focus of the past.
From indissoluble to dissoluble: the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 introduced divorce, and in Shilpa Sailesh v. Varun Sreenivasan (2023) the Supreme Court allowed divorce on irretrievable breakdown. Live-in relationships have legal protection, and Uttarakhand's Uniform Civil Code (2025) requires their registration.
Flow chart: Sacrament (arranged, early, endogamous, indissoluble) → education, urbanisation, law, media → companionate, later, chosen-but-approved, dissoluble marriage.
Thus the way spouses are chosen has changed far more than the rules of whom one may marry: Indian marriage is adapting rather than disappearing.Q4(b) · Politics and Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Theories of Power, Power Elite, Bureaucracy, Pressure Groups and Parties
What would you identify as the similarities and differences in the elite theories of Mosca, Michels and Pareto? Discuss their main/crucial issues.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
मोस्का, मिशेल्स और परेटो के अभिजात वर्ग के सिद्धान्तों में समानताओं और विभिन्नताओं को आप किस रूप में पहचानेंगे? इनके मुख्य बिन्दुओं पर चर्चा कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(b)
Approach: Compare the three classical elitists: state each thinker's core idea, then list similarities and differences (basis of elite rule, mechanism, view of democracy), and close with the crucial issues and criticisms, with Indian illustrations. A comparison flow chart helps.
Classical elite theory rejected both liberal democracy and Marx's classless society by arguing that a minority always rules.
Pareto (The Mind and Society, 1916) explained elite rule by unequal individual qualities and residues: 'lions' rule by force and 'foxes' by cunning, and history is a 'graveyard of aristocracies' through the circulation of elites. Mosca (The Ruling Class, 1896) stressed organisation: an organised minority dominates the disorganised majority and legitimises itself through a political formula. Michels (Political Parties, 1911), studying the German Social Democratic Party, argued that large organisations need leaders, expertise and hierarchy, producing an iron law of oligarchy.
Similarities: all three hold that minority rule is inevitable, that the masses are passive or incompetent, and that democracy and socialism cannot abolish elites; all reject economic determinism and give politics autonomy.
Differences: Pareto's basis is psychological, Mosca's organisational and Michels's technical-organisational. Pareto saw elites changing through cyclical circulation, often violent; Mosca allowed a gradual renewal from a middle stratum and was more open to representative government; Michels was a disillusioned socialist whose focus was the party rather than society as a whole.
Flow chart: Pareto (psychological residues → lions and foxes → circulation) | Mosca (organisation → political formula → ruling class) | Michels (organisation → leadership and expertise → oligarchy).
Crucial issues: Is elite rule compatible with democracy? Schumpeter answered yes, as competition among elites; Mills extended the idea to an institutional power elite; pluralists like Dahl argued that elites are plural and accountable; Marxists said the theorists ignored the class basis of power, and Pareto's 'residues' are hard to test.
In India, dynastic leadership in parties illustrates Michels, the rise of OBC and Dalit leaders since the 1990s illustrates circulation, and the 'Congress system' described by Rajni Kothari fits Mosca's organised minority. Elite theory thus underrates popular mobilisation.Q4(c) · Works and Economic Life · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Formal and Informal Organisation of Work
Critically analyze the sociological significance of informal sector in the economy of developing societies.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
विकासशील समाजों की अर्थव्यवस्था में अनौपचारिक क्षेत्र के समाजशास्त्रीय महत्त्व का आलोचनात्मक विश्लेषण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(c)
Approach: Critically analyse: define the informal sector (Hart), present its significance through the dualist, structuralist and legalist schools, add Indian evidence, then note its costs.
Keith Hart (1973), studying Accra, coined the term informal sector for self-employment and casual work outside state regulation. The ILO (2018) estimated that about 61% of the world's employed work informally, most of them in developing societies.
Significance: it absorbs surplus labour from agriculture and migration, cushions shocks such as the 2020 lockdown, and supplies cheap goods and services to cities. The dualist school (after W.A. Lewis) saw it as a temporary traditional sector; the structuralist school of Portes, Castells and Benton (1989) showed it is subordinated to formal capital through subcontracting; Hernando de Soto's legalist view saw informal entrepreneurs escaping heavy regulation.
Sociologically it is embedded in social ties: Barbara Harriss-White showed caste, gender and religion regulating India's informal economy, and Jan Breman described footloose circular migrants.
Critically, it means low productivity, insecurity and lost taxes; NCEUS (2007) linked it to the poverty of most Indians. It is thus a structural feature of peripheral capitalism, not a passing stage.
Question 5 (50 marks)
Q5(a) · Sociology: The Discipline · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Scope of Sociology and Comparison with Other Social Sciences
In what way is the scope of sociology unique? Explain.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
समाजशास्त्र का विषय-क्षेत्र किस तरह से अद्वितीय है? व्याख्या कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(a)
Approach: Explain what makes sociology's scope unique: the formalistic versus synthetic debate, its distinctive perspective, its breadth from micro to macro, and its Indian scope.
The scope of sociology means its subject matter and boundaries. Two schools debated it.
Formalistic school: Simmel, Tönnies and von Wiese held that sociology is unique because it studies the forms of social relations, such as cooperation, conflict and domination, which recur in many contents. Critics such as Sorokin said forms cannot be separated from content.
Synthetic school: Durkheim, Hobhouse and Sorokin saw sociology as a general science of society, studying the relations between different social phenomena and synthesising other sciences.
Its uniqueness today lies in combining both: a distinct perspective on social structure and meaning, and a range from micro interaction (Goffman) to macro systems (Parsons, Wallerstein). It also studies modern phenomena such as migration, digital life and the social bases of the economy.
In India, its scope covers caste, tribe, village, family and religion, from Srinivas's Rampura to studies of reservation and urban informal work.
Thus sociology is unique in studying all aspects of social life from the angle of social relations.Q5(b) · Stratification and Mobility · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Theories of Stratification: Functionalist, Marxist and Weberian
Does the structural-functionalist perspective on social stratification promote a status quo? Give reasons for your answer.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या सामाजिक स्तरीकरण पर संरचनात्मक-प्रकार्यात्मक परिप्रेक्ष्य यथास्थिति को बढ़ावा देता है? अपने उत्तर के लिए कारण बताइए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(b)
Approach: State the functionalist view (Davis and Moore, Parsons), show why critics say it justifies the status quo (Tumin, Marxists), note the functionalist reply, and judge.
Kingsley Davis and Wilbert Moore (1945) argued that stratification is universal and necessary because unequal rewards motivate the most talented to fill the most important positions; Talcott Parsons saw rank as reflecting shared values of a society.
Yes, in several ways it supports the status quo. By presenting inequality as functional and value-based, it legitimises existing rewards. Melvin Tumin (1953) showed that functional importance cannot be measured objectively, that stratification restricts the discovery of talent among the poor, and that it breeds hostility. Marxists see it as ideology that hides exploitation, and the theory cannot explain caste, where rank is fixed by birth, not talent.
In its defence, the theory claims positions are open and rewards follow merit, which implies mobility, and later functionalists such as Parsons accepted change through structural differentiation.
On balance, by explaining inequality as what society needs and ignoring power and conflict, the perspective tends to justify existing arrangements rather than question them, as Dahrendorf's critique of the consensus model also argued.Q5(c) · Works and Economic Life · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Formal and Informal Organisation of Work
Do you think that the formal workspaces are free of gender bias? Argue your case.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या आपको लगता है कि औपचारिक कार्यस्थल लैंगिक पूर्वाग्रह से मुक्त होते हैं? अपने तर्क प्रस्तुत कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(c)
Approach: Argue a case: formal workplaces are not free of gender bias; use Kanter, Acker and Hochschild for the theory, Indian evidence and laws for the counterpoint, and conclude with a balanced view.
Formal workplaces promise impersonal, merit-based rules in Weber's sense, but feminist sociologists show that bias is built into their structure.
Joan Acker (1990) argued that organisations are gendered: the 'ideal worker' is imagined as a man free of care duties. Rosabeth Moss Kanter (Men and Women of the Corporation, 1977) showed that women as a small minority become 'tokens' under heavy scrutiny. Arlie Hochschild found women expected to do emotional labour, and a glass ceiling limits their promotion.
India shows this: women remain few in senior management despite the Companies Act, 2013 requiring a woman director on certain boards; the 2018 #MeToo wave and Kerala's Hema Committee report (released 2024) on the Malayalam film industry exposed harassment; and many women leave after childbirth.
Laws have improved matters: the Vishaka guidelines (1997), the POSH Act, 2013 and 26 weeks of maternity leave under the 2017 amendment. Formal workplaces are therefore less biased than informal ones, but not free of bias.Q5(d) · Sociology as Science · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Fact, Value, Objectivity and Non-positivist Methodologies
How does Weber's Verstehen address the objectivity-subjectivity debate in sociology?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
समाजशास्त्र में वेबर का वर्स्टेहेन किस प्रकार से वस्तुनिष्ठता-व्यक्तिपरकता परिचर्चा को सम्बोधित करता है?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(d)
Approach: Explain the objectivity-subjectivity debate, then show how Weber's verstehen, with ideal types, value freedom and causal adequacy, bridges it; illustrate with an Indian case and note criticism.
The debate asks whether sociology should study society objectively from outside, as Durkheim urged, or through the subjective meanings of actors. Weber answered with verstehen, interpretive understanding of the meaning actors give to their action.
Verstehen takes subjectivity seriously: the sociologist grasps motives either directly or by placing an act in its context of meaning. But Weber made this understanding objective in three ways. Interpretations must be adequate at the level of meaning and also at the level of cause, tested by comparison and evidence. Ideal types give clear, stated concepts against which reality is measured. And while value relevance guides the choice of topic, value freedom governs analysis.
In India, understanding why a caste group adopts vegetarianism needs its members' meaning of status, which Srinivas called Sanskritisation, but the claim can then be checked across villages.
Critics such as Schutz said Weber did not explain how meanings are formed, and positivists doubt that empathy can be verified; still, verstehen remains a balanced middle path.Q5(e) · Social Change in Modern Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Education, Science, Technology and Social Change
To what extent can education and skill development be an agent of social change? Critically analyze.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
शिक्षा एवं कौशल-विकास किस सीमा तक सामाजिक परिवर्तन का एक माध्यम बन सकते हैं? आलोचनात्मक विश्लेषण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(e)
Approach: Show the change-promoting role of education and skills (Durkheim, human capital, Indian mobility) and then its limits (Bourdieu, Collins, Indian unemployment of the educated), ending with a balanced judgement.
Education and skill development are often seen as key agents of social change. Functionalists such as Durkheim and Parsons saw schooling as preparing individuals for a differentiated society, and Theodore Schultz's human capital theory (1961) treated education as investment that raises productivity.
In India, Phule's and Ambedkar's emphasis on education, reservations and the RTE Act, 2009 produced first-generation graduates among Dalits, Adivasis and women. Skill India and the PM Kaushal Vikas Yojana (2015) and NEP 2020's vocational integration aim to link learning with livelihoods and reduce caste-bound occupations.
The extent is limited. Bourdieu showed that schools reward the cultural capital of privileged groups; Randall Collins and Ronald Dore warned of credential inflation; and in India, educated youth face high unemployment while skill training often leads to low-paid informal work. Unequal school quality and the digital divide reproduce class and caste gaps.
Education and skills therefore enable change only alongside job creation, quality and equal access.
Question 6 (50 marks)
Q6(a) · Sociology as Science · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Science, Scientific Method and Its Critique
What is science? Do you think that the methods used in natural sciences can be applied to sociology? Give reasons for your answer.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
विज्ञान क्या है? क्या आपको लगता है कि प्राकृतिक विज्ञानों में प्रयोग की जाने वाली विधियों को समाजशास्त्र में उपयोग किया जा सकता है? अपने उत्तर के समर्थन में कारण बताइए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(a)
Approach: Define science and its features, then argue both sides on applying natural-science methods to sociology (Comte and Durkheim against Weber and Winch), add the critique of natural science itself, use Indian examples and give a reasoned conclusion.
Science is a body of systematic, empirically tested knowledge and the method that produces it. Its features are empiricism, objectivity, verifiability and replication, generality and prediction. Robert K. Merton (1942) added the norms of communism, universalism, disinterestedness and organised scepticism.
Flow chart: observation → problem → hypothesis → data collection → analysis → generalisation → theory → new hypotheses.
Natural-science methods can be applied to a large extent. Auguste Comte called for a positive science of society, and Durkheim asked us to treat social facts as things; his Suicide (1897) used statistics to link suicide rates to integration and regulation. Survey research by Paul Lazarsfeld follows the same logic. In India, the Census, the National Sample Survey and NFHS-5 (2019–21), which covered about 6.37 lakh households, give reliable and comparable data for testing social claims.
But there are limits. Weber held that sociology must first understand the meaning of action through verstehen, and Peter Winch argued that social action is rule-following, to be understood rather than causally explained. Human beings react to research (the Hawthorne effect), predictions change behaviour (Merton's self-fulfilling prophecy), experiments are often unethical, and values shape the choice of topic. The meaning of purity, caste or honour in an Indian village, as Srinivas found in Rampura, needs participant observation.
Moreover, natural science is not as simple as positivists assumed: Popper stressed falsification, Kuhn showed that science works within paradigms, and Russell Keat and John Urry noted that natural sciences also study unobservable mechanisms.
Therefore natural-science methods can be applied to sociology with modification. A realist and pluralist approach that joins measurement with interpretation makes sociology a science of its own kind.Q6(b) · Systems of Kinship · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Patriarchy, Sexual Division of Labour and Contemporary Trends
What do you understand by gender-based domestic division of labour? Is it undergoing a change in the wake of increasing participation of women in formal employment? Clarify your answer with illustrations.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
लिंग-आधारित घरेलू श्रम-विभाजन से आप क्या समझते हैं? क्या औपचारिक रोजगार के क्षेत्र में महिलाओं की बढ़ती भागीदारी के कारण इसमें कोई बदलाव आ रहा है? अपने उत्तर को उदाहरण देकर स्पष्ट कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(b)
Approach: Define the gender-based domestic division of labour with functionalist and feminist views, then assess with Indian and global evidence whether women's formal employment has changed it (second shift, lagged adaptation, outsourcing), concluding that change is slow and class-specific.
The gender-based domestic division of labour is the allocation of housework, cooking, childcare and elder care mainly to women, and paid, public work mainly to men. Parsons (1955) justified it as the husband's instrumental and the wife's expressive role; Ann Oakley (Housewife, 1974) showed that the full-time housewife is a modern social construction, not a natural role.
Evidence of persistence: India's Time Use Survey 2019 found women who did unpaid domestic work spent about 299 minutes a day on it, against 97 minutes for men. Arlie Hochschild (The Second Shift, 1989) showed that employed women in the USA return home to a second shift, and Jonathan Gershuny called men's slow catching-up 'lagged adaptation'.
Signs of change: female labour force participation rose to 41.7% in 2023–24 (PLFS, age 15+), and Young and Willmott's 'symmetrical family' thesis expected more joint conjugal roles. Among urban dual-career couples, men now share shopping, school runs and some cooking, and work-from-home after 2020 made domestic work more visible.
Limits: much of the rise in women's work in India is self-employment or unpaid family work rather than formal jobs. Middle-class women often 'solve' the double burden by employing domestic workers, usually poorer women, as Raka Ray and Seemin Qayum (Cultures of Servitude, 2009) showed; this shifts the burden along class lines instead of to men.
Flow chart: Women enter paid work → second shift at home → negotiation, outsourcing or exit from work → slow change in men's share.
Hence formal employment has loosened but not dissolved the domestic division of labour. Policies such as the Maternity Benefit (Amendment) Act, 2017 (26 weeks' leave, crèche requirement) help, but paternity leave and public care services are needed for real symmetry.Q6(c) · Politics and Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Protest, Social Movements, Collective Action and Revolution
How can you assess the significance of social movements in the digital era? Explain.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
आप डिजिटल युग में सामाजिक आन्दोलनों के महत्त्व का आकलन कैसे कर सकते हैं? व्याख्या कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(c)
Approach: Assess the significance of movements in the digital era: what digital media change (Castells, Tufekci), Indian and world examples, and the limits (slacktivism, surveillance, shutdowns), ending with a balanced judgement.
In the digital era, social movements increasingly organise through social media, messaging apps and online petitions. Manuel Castells (Networks of Outrage and Hope, 2012) called them networked social movements, linking online networks with occupied urban spaces, as in the Arab Spring and Occupy.
Significance: digital tools lower the cost of mobilisation, bypass mainstream media, and let marginal voices frame issues. In India, #MeToo (2018) exposed sexual harassment in media and film; the farmers' protest of 2020–21 used social media and its own channels to counter hostile coverage; Dalit activists use digital platforms to document atrocities.
Limits: Zeynep Tufekci (Twitter and Tear Gas, 2017) showed that networked movements grow fast but lack the organisational capacity to negotiate and endure; Malcolm Gladwell criticised 'slacktivism' based on weak ties. States use surveillance and internet shutdowns, and misinformation can fuel counter-mobilisation.
Digital media therefore amplify movements, but lasting change still needs organisation offline.
Question 7 (50 marks)
Q7(a) · Research Methods and Analysis · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Variables, Sampling, Hypothesis, Reliability and Validity
What is sampling in the context of social research? Discuss different forms of sampling with their relative advantages and disadvantages.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
सामाजिक अनुसन्धान के सन्दर्भ में निदर्शन से आप क्या समझते हैं? निदर्शन के विभिन्न प्रारूपों पर उनके सापेक्ष लाभ और हानि के साथ चर्चा कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(a)
Approach: Define sampling and its key terms, then discuss probability and non-probability forms one by one with their advantages and disadvantages and Indian examples (NSS, PLFS, NFHS, snowball studies), ending with how to choose.
Sampling is the selection of a part of a population (universe) to study it and draw conclusions about the whole. Key terms are the sampling frame (the list from which units are drawn), sampling unit, sample size and sampling error.
Probability sampling gives every unit a known, non-zero chance of selection. Simple random sampling is unbiased and allows estimation of sampling error, but needs a complete frame and may miss small groups. Systematic sampling (every nth unit after a random start) is easy, but periodic patterns in the list can bias it. Stratified sampling divides the population into strata such as caste or region and samples each, ensuring representation of minorities and greater precision, but needs prior information. Cluster and multi-stage sampling select villages or urban blocks first and then households; it is cheap for large, dispersed populations but has higher sampling error. India’s NSS and PLFS use stratified multi-stage designs, and NFHS-5 (2019–21) covered about 6.37 lakh households this way.
Non-probability sampling does not give known chances. Convenience sampling is quick but biased. Quota sampling fills fixed numbers per category, such as gender and caste, but selection within quotas is the interviewer’s choice. Purposive sampling selects informed or typical cases, useful in village studies, but depends on judgement. Snowball sampling reaches hidden groups such as bonded labourers or manual scavengers through referrals, but networks bias it. None permits statistical generalisation.
Flow chart: Research aim → generalisation needed? → yes: probability (random, systematic, stratified, cluster) / no or no frame: non-probability (convenience, quota, purposive, snowball).
A classic warning is the 1936 Literary Digest poll, whose huge but biased sample from telephone and car owners wrongly predicted Roosevelt’s defeat. The choice thus depends on the research aim, frame and resources: probability samples for representative surveys, non-probability samples for exploratory work.Q7(b) · Religion and Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Sociological Theories of Religion
How do theories of Marx, Weber and Durkheim differ in understanding religion? Explain.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
धर्म को समझने में मार्क्स, वेबर और दुर्खीम के सिद्धान्त कैसे भिन्न हैं? व्याख्या कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(b)
Approach: The question wants a comparison of the three classical theories of religion. Open with the shared question (what does religion do for society), compare Durkheim (integration), Marx (ideology) and Weber (meaning and change) point by point with Indian examples, and end with how they complement each other.
Marx, Durkheim and Weber all explained religion sociologically, but asked different questions: Durkheim how religion holds society together, Marx whose interests it serves, and Weber how religious ideas shape action and change.
Durkheim (The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, 1912) defined religion through the division of the world into sacred and profane. Studying Australian Aboriginal totemism, he argued that the totem symbolises both the god and the clan, so in worshipping the god people worship society itself. Rituals produce collective effervescence and renew solidarity. Kumbh gatherings or village jatras in India show this integrative function.
Marx called religion 'the opium of the people' (1844): an illusory happiness that eases the pain of exploitation and legitimises the rule of the dominant class. The doctrine of karma justifying caste position, and Ambedkar's rejection of scriptures that sanctioned untouchability, fit this conflict view.
Weber treated religion as an independent cause. In The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904–05) he argued that Calvinist predestination and the idea of a calling produced the disciplined, rational conduct capitalism needed. In The Religion of India (1916) he held that karma, the most consistent theodicy, and other-worldly ideals blocked such an ethic, a view Milton Singer's study of Madras industrialists challenged.
Flow chart: Durkheim: religion → collective rituals → solidarity (stability); Marx: class domination → religion as ideology → false consciousness; Weber: religious ideas → ethic of conduct → economic change.
Thus Durkheim stresses order, Marx domination and Weber meaning and change. Durkheim is criticised for ignoring religious conflict in plural societies, Marx for reducing belief to economics (neo-Marxists like Otto Maduro show religion can be revolutionary), and Weber for a contested reading of Calvinism and India.
Together they explain Indian religion better than any one alone: festivals integrate, religious mobilisation reflects interests, and Jain and Marwari communities show ethics shaping economic life.Q7(c) · Religion and Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Religion in Modern Society: Science, Secularisation, Revivalism and Fundamentalism
What is the nature of relationship between science and religion in modern society? Analyze with suitable examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
आधुनिक समाज में विज्ञान और धर्म के बीच सम्बन्ध की प्रकृति क्या है? उपयुक्त उदाहरणों के साथ इसका विश्लेषण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(c)
Approach: A short analysis of the science–religion relationship: state the conflict, complementarity and interaction views with one thinker each, illustrate each with an example (preferably Indian), and conclude.
The relationship between science and religion in modern society is not one of simple replacement, as Comte expected, but takes several forms.
Conflict: the Galileo trial (1633) and debates over Darwin's evolution gave rise to the conflict thesis of Draper and White. Today conflict appears over creationism, faith-healing claims and superstition; Maharashtra's anti-superstition law (2013) followed the murder of rationalist Narendra Dabholkar.
Complementarity: Stephen Jay Gould's 'non-overlapping magisteria' assigns facts to science and meaning to religion. Indian scientists who pray before launches, and doctors who also visit temples, show coexistence.
Interaction: Robert K. Merton (1938) showed that Puritan values encouraged English science. Religion in turn adopts technology through online pujas and televised sermons, and science raises ethical questions on which religions speak.
The relationship is thus negotiated: conflict occurs at the boundaries, but most people combine scientific temper, a fundamental duty under Article 51A(h), with faith.
Question 8 (50 marks)
Q8(a) · Social Change in Modern Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Development and Dependency
What do you understand by sustainable development? Discuss the elements of sustainable development as proposed in the UNDP's Sustainable Development Goals Report–2015.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
संधारणीय विकास से आप क्या समझते हैं? यू॰ एन॰ डी॰ पी॰ की सस्टेनेबल डेवेलप्मेंट गोल्स रिपोर्ट–2015 में प्रस्तावित संधारणीय विकास के बिन्दुओं की विवेचना कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(a)
Approach: Define sustainable development (Brundtland, 1987), then set out the elements of the 2015 SDG agenda (three dimensions, five Ps, 17 goals, 'leave no one behind') with Indian illustrations and a sociological critique.
The Brundtland Commission (Our Common Future, 1987) defined sustainable development as development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.
In September 2015 the UN adopted the 2030 Agenda, 'Transforming Our World', with 17 Sustainable Development Goals and 169 targets, replacing the Millennium Development Goals; UNDP is a lead agency in supporting countries to achieve them. Its elements are: first, three integrated dimensions, economic, social and environmental; second, the 'five Ps' of people (ending poverty and hunger, health, education, gender equality), planet (climate action, life on land and below water, clean energy), prosperity (decent work, reduced inequality, sustainable cities), peace (just and inclusive institutions) and partnership (finance, technology and global cooperation); third, the principle of leave no one behind; and fourth, universality, applying to rich and poor countries alike.
Sociologically, the agenda reflects Amartya Sen's capability approach, which treats development as expansion of freedoms. In India, NITI Aayog's SDG India Index (from 2018) tracks states, and programmes for sanitation, clean cooking fuel and renewable energy map onto specific goals. NITI Aayog estimated that multidimensional poverty fell from 29.17% in 2013–14 to 11.28% in 2022–23.
Flow chart: economic growth + social inclusion + environmental protection → sustainable development → intergenerational justice.
Critics note tensions. Vandana Shiva's ecofeminism and post-development thinkers such as Arturo Escobar see 'sustainable development' as a Western managerial discourse that keeps growth at its core. In India, displacement of Adivasis by mines and dams shows the conflict between growth and justice.
The SDGs thus offer a comprehensive framework, but their success depends on redistribution, community participation and real limits on ecological damage.Q8(b) · Social Change in Modern Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Agents of Social Change
How do 'Civil Society Organizations' such as 'NGOs' and 'Self-Help Groups' contribute to grassroot level social changes? Discuss.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
'नागरिक समाज संगठनों' जैसे 'एन॰ जी॰ ओ॰' और 'स्वयं सहायता समूह' धरातलीय स्तर पर सामाजिक परिवर्तनों को लाने में कैसे योगदान करते हैं? विवेचना कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(b)
Approach: Define civil society (Tocqueville, Gramsci) and its NGO and SHG forms, show their grassroots contributions with Indian cases (SEWA, MKSS, Kudumbashree, DAY-NRLM), then the critique of NGOisation and microcredit, and conclude.
Civil society is the sphere of voluntary association between the family, the market and the state. Tocqueville saw associations as schools of democracy, while Gramsci saw civil society as the terrain where hegemony is built and contested. NGOs and self-help groups are among its most visible forms in India.
NGOs act as agents of change by mobilising, educating and advocating. SEWA, founded by Ela Bhatt in 1972, organised informal women workers into a union and cooperatives. The Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan's public hearings in Rajasthan led the campaign that produced the Right to Information Act, 2005. Pratham's ASER surveys exposed learning gaps, and NGOs have pushed forest rights, child rights and disability rights.
Self-help groups pool savings, give small loans and build solidarity among poor women. NABARD's SHG–Bank Linkage Programme (1992), Kerala's Kudumbashree (1998) and the National Rural Livelihoods Mission (2011, now DAY-NRLM) have mobilised crores of women. Studies show gains in financial inclusion, mobility, confidence and participation in panchayats, linking to the 73rd Amendment's reservation for women.
Flow chart: savings and collective action → credit and skills → income and voice → participation in local governance → grassroots change.
Limits: critics speak of NGOisation: dependence on donor funds can depoliticise movements and make NGOs substitutes for the state. Microcredit can trap borrowers in debt, as the Andhra Pradesh microfinance crisis of 2010 showed, and SHGs may reproduce caste and class hierarchies within villages. Regulation such as tighter foreign-contribution rules has also constrained NGOs.
Civil society organisations are thus vital agents of bottom-up change, most effective when they combine service delivery with empowerment and accountability.Q8(c) · Systems of Kinship · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Patriarchy, Sexual Division of Labour and Contemporary Trends
In what way does queer kinship challenge the traditional kinship system? Substantiate by giving illustrations.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
किअर नातेदारी किस प्रकार पारंपरिक नातेदारी व्यवस्था को चुनौती देती है? उदाहरण देकर प्रमाणित कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(c)
Approach: Define queer kinship ('families we choose'), show how it challenges the biology, heterosexual marriage and descent basis of traditional kinship, and illustrate with Western and Indian examples (hijra gharanas, Navtej Johar, Supriyo Chakraborty).
Queer kinship refers to relationships of care and belonging created by lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and other queer people outside heterosexual marriage and biological descent. Kath Weston (Families We Choose, 1991) and Jeffrey Weeks described such 'families of choice'.
Challenges: traditional kinship theory, from Murdock to Lévi-Strauss, assumed heterosexual marriage, reproduction and descent as its base. Queer kinship shows that kinship can rest on choice and care, supporting David Schneider's critique of biology-based kinship and Janet Carsten's idea of 'relatedness'.
Illustrations: same-sex marriage, legal in the Netherlands since 2001, and adoption or surrogacy by same-sex couples separate parenthood from heterosexual sex. In India, hijra communities form gharanas of guru and chela with kin terms such as mother and daughter (Serena Nanda, 1990; Gayatri Reddy, 2005).
Navtej Singh Johar (2018) decriminalised same-sex relations, but in Supriyo Chakraborty (2023) the Supreme Court declined to recognise same-sex marriage, leaving it to Parliament.
Queer kinship thus challenges the definition of family while still borrowing the language of kinship.
UPSC Mains 2025 Sociology Paper II
Question 1 (50 marks)
Q1(a) · Perspectives on the Study of Indian Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Indology: G. S. Ghurye
'Textual perspective is important in understanding of Indian Social System.' Discuss.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
'भारतीय विद्या परिप्रेक्ष्य, भारतीय सामाजिक व्यवस्था को समझने में महत्वपूर्ण है।' विवेचना कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(a)
Approach: Discuss the value of the textual (book-view) perspective with Ghurye and Dumont, then its limits and the need for the field-view.
The textual perspective studies Indian society through classical sources such as the Vedas, Dharmashastras, Puranas and epics. G.S. Ghurye and later Louis Dumont argued that these texts carry the values that organise Indian institutions.
Its importance lies in three things. It explains the ideology behind caste, such as purity and pollution, which Dumont made the basis of hierarchy in Homo Hierarchicus (1966). It shows continuity, for example the ashrama scheme and samskaras that still shape life-cycle rituals. And it reveals the civilisational unity of India, as in Ghurye's Indian Sadhus.
Its limits are equally clear. M.N. Srinivas showed through the field-view that real caste ranking depends on land, numbers and power. Texts were written by upper-caste men, ignore regional and folk traditions, and give an unchanging picture.
So the textual perspective is important but not sufficient. It is best used with fieldwork and data, which together explain both the ideals and the practice of Indian society.Q1(b) · Impact of Colonial Rule on Indian Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Modernisation of Indian Tradition
Justify that the Indian traditions are modernizing. Also discuss its contributing factors.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
पुष्टि कीजिये कि भारतीय परम्पराओं का आधुनिकीकरण हो रहा है। इसमें योगदान करने वाले कारकों की भी विवेचना कीजिये।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(b)
Approach: Justify with examples that traditions are modernising (caste, family, religion, marriage), then list contributing factors (education, Constitution and law, urbanisation, market, media, migration).
Yogendra Singh argued that Indian traditions are not disappearing but modernising by adapting to new values of equality, rationality and individual choice.
Evidence is wide. Caste has moved from ritual hierarchy to political interest groups and associations. Joint families have become functionally joint networks, as I.P. Desai noted, even when members live apart. Arranged marriages now often involve the couple's consent and matrimonial apps. Religion uses television, online darshan and digital donations, and festivals blend devotion with consumer culture.
The contributing factors include modern education and literacy, the Constitution and laws such as the Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act 2005 and the Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955, urbanisation and industrial work, the market economy after 1991, mass and social media, and migration abroad.
Modernisation is uneven, as dowry and honour crimes show, but the overall trend is adaptation rather than rejection of tradition.Q1(c) · Impact of Colonial Rule on Indian Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Protests, Movements and Social Reforms in the Colonial Period
According to you, which social reform movement has played the most effective role in uplifting the status of women? Explain.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
आपके अनुसार महिलाओं की स्थिति के उत्थान के लिए कौन से सामाजिक सुधार आन्दोलन ने सबसे अधिक प्रभावशाली भूमिका का निर्वाह किया है? व्याख्या कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(c)
Approach: Choose one movement (the 19th-century reform movement of Ram Mohan Roy and Vidyasagar) and justify the choice with its laws and outcomes, briefly compare with others, and conclude.
Many movements improved the status of women, but in my view the Bengal reform movement led by Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar played the most effective role, because it turned ideas into lasting law and education.
Roy's Brahmo Samaj campaigned against sati, leading to the Regulation of 1829, and for women's property rights. Vidyasagar used the shastras to argue for widow remarriage, which became law in the Hindu Widows' Remarriage Act, 1856, and he opened dozens of girls' schools in Bengal. The movement also opposed polygamy and child marriage, preparing the ground for the Age of Consent Act (1891).
Other movements were also important: Phule and Savitribai educated girls of lower castes, Periyar's Self-Respect Movement attacked patriarchy within marriage, and the All India Women's Conference (1927) pressed for the Sarda Act. But they often built on the legal and moral base laid in Bengal.
Its limit was an upper-caste, male-led reach, yet it began the use of law and education for women's equality.Q1(d) · Tribal Communities in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Colonial Policies and Tribes
How did Colonial Policies for the tribes affected their socio-economic conditions in India? Discuss.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
औपनिवेशिक नीतियों ने भारत में जनजातियों की सामाजिक-आर्थिक दशाओं को किस प्रकार से प्रभावित किया था? विवेचना कीजिये।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(d)
Approach: Discuss the socio-economic effects of colonial policies (forest laws, land revenue and private property, entry of outsiders, isolation, criminalisation) with examples and revolts.
Colonial policies transformed tribal life by bringing tribes under the state, the market and new forms of property.
First, forest laws of 1865, 1878 and 1927 declared forests state property, restricting shifting cultivation, grazing and collection of forest produce, the base of tribal livelihoods. Second, land revenue and private property in land brought moneylenders, traders and landlords (dikus) into tribal areas, leading to land alienation and debt bondage. Third, railways, mines and tea plantations drew tribals into wage labour and migration, as with Santhals and Oraons sent to Assam tea gardens.
These pressures provoked revolts such as the Santhal Hul (1855–56) and Birsa Munda's Ulgulan (1899–1900), leading to protective laws like the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act (1908). The Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 stigmatised several communities.
Colonial rule thus impoverished tribes and created the land and forest grievances that persist today.Q1(e) · Perspectives on the Study of Indian Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Indology: G. S. Ghurye
How would you appropriate to characterise G. S. Ghurye as a practitioner of 'theoretical pluralism'?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
आप जी. एस. घुर्ये को 'सैद्धान्तिक बहुलवाद' के प्रयोगकर्ता के रूप में किस प्रकार से उचित ठहरायेंगे।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(e)
Approach: Explain ‘theoretical pluralism’ (use of several methods and theories), show how Ghurye combined Indology, diffusionism, ethnography and statistics, and assess the label.
Theoretical pluralism means using several theories and methods together rather than one fixed framework. G.S. Ghurye is usually called an Indologist, but his work shows such pluralism, which is why scholars describe him as eclectic.
He drew on many sources. Texts gave him the history of caste and gotra. From his teacher W.H.R. Rivers he took diffusionism, explaining how caste spread from the Gangetic plain to other regions. He used census data in Caste and Race in India (1932), ethnographic surveys of tribes and sadhus, and even anthropometric data of H.H. Risley on race. His later books on cities, costume and Rajput architecture used history and art.
This mix allowed him to study caste, kinship, religion, tribes and urbanisation in one framework of cultural continuity. Critics note that the methods were not tightly integrated and that the textual view still dominated.
It is therefore apt to call Ghurye a theoretical pluralist in method, though an Indologist in his central concern with Hindu civilisation.
Question 2 (50 marks)
Q2(a) · Impact of Colonial Rule on Indian Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Modernisation of Indian Tradition
Do you think that in a society like India orthogenetic changes take place through differentiation? Do you observe continuities in the orthogenetic process? Elaborate your answer with suitable examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या आप सोचते हैं कि भारत जैसे समाज में नियतविकासीय परिवर्तन विभेदीकरण के द्वारा होते हैं? क्या आप नियतविकासीय प्रक्रिया में निरन्तरता को देखते हैं? अपना उत्तर उपयुक्त उदाहरण सहित विस्तार से दीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(a)
Approach: Explain orthogenetic change and differentiation (Redfield, Yogendra Singh), give Indian examples of change through differentiation, then show continuities within the process, and conclude.
Orthogenetic change, a term from Robert Redfield and Milton Singer, is change that grows out of a civilisation's own traditions rather than from outside contact. Yogendra Singh used it in Modernization of Indian Tradition (1973), contrasting it with heterogenetic change from Islam and the West. In Indian history, much orthogenetic change has taken place through differentiation: the splitting of a tradition into new sects, roles and institutions while the parent tradition survives.
Examples are many. Buddhism and Jainism differentiated from Vedic religion in the 6th century BCE as protests against ritualism and Brahmin dominance. The Bhakti movement produced sects such as the Virashaivas of Basava, the Varkaris of Maharashtra and the Kabirpanthis, which challenged caste. Sikhism grew from Bhakti and Sant traditions. Castes themselves split into sub-castes through occupational differentiation, and Sanskritisation allowed groups to claim new status within the same hierarchy.
Flow chart: Parent tradition (Vedic-Brahmanical) → internal protest or specialisation → new sect or sub-caste (Buddhism, Virashaivism, Sikhism) → coexistence and absorption → continuity of core themes.
Yet continuities run through the process. New sects kept core ideas such as karma, rebirth and moksha. Many anti-caste sects later developed caste-like divisions themselves; the Lingayats became an endogamous community. Hinduism absorbed rebels, treating the Buddha as an avatar of Vishnu. Srinivas showed that Sanskritisation changes a caste's position but not the hierarchy itself, which he called positional rather than structural change.
Thus orthogenetic change in India has largely meant differentiation within a framework of continuity. This supports Singh's view that Indian tradition changes by adaptation, though modern heterogenetic forces such as democracy and law now push for structural change.Q2(b) · Social Classes in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Agrarian Class Structure
'Agrarian class structure has been undergoing changes due to modern forces.' Critically examine.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
'कृषक वर्ग संरचना आधुनिक शक्तियों के कारण परिवर्तित हो रही है।' आलोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(b)
Approach: Critically examine: identify the modern forces (land reform, Green Revolution, markets and globalisation, technology, education, migration, state schemes, democracy) and the changes they produced in agrarian classes, then the limits and continuities, and conclude.
The agrarian class structure of India, once dominated by zamindars above tenants and landless labourers, has been changing under modern forces such as state policy, technology, markets and democracy. The statement is largely valid, but the change is uneven.
Land reforms in the 1950s abolished zamindari and turned many tenants into owners. The Green Revolution from the late 1960s brought high-yielding seeds, fertilisers and irrigation, creating a class of capitalist farmers from middle castes who hire wage labour and produce for the market. Utsa Patnaik's work in the 1970s traced this rise of capitalist agriculture.
Markets and globalisation after 1991 linked farmers to national and world prices, and mechanisation reduced demand for labour. Education, roads and mobile phones opened non-farm jobs, so rural households now combine farming with wage work and migration; the jajmani and attached-labour systems have largely disappeared. State schemes such as MGNREGA (2005), now replaced by the VB-G RAM G Act from 1 July 2026, and PM-KISAN (2019) raised the bargaining power of labourers and small farmers.
Flow chart: Land reform → owner-cultivators; Green Revolution → capitalist farmers; markets and mechanisation → labour displacement; education and migration → non-farm diversification; welfare schemes → labour bargaining power.
Yet the change is limited. Land remains concentrated among dominant castes while Dalits remain largely landless; marginal and small farmers hold about 86% of holdings but about 47% of the area (Agriculture Census 2015–16). Distress, debt and farmer suicides show that modern forces also produced vulnerability, and women do much farm work without owning land.
Modern forces have thus transformed the agrarian structure from semi-feudal to capitalist and diversified, but have reproduced caste and class inequality in new forms.Q2(c) · Kinship, Family and Religion in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Gender and Sexuality: Transgender and LGBTQ Rights
How same sex marriages are responsible for population dynamics in India? Discuss.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
समलैंगिक विवाह, भारत में जनसंख्यात्मक गतिकी के लिए किस प्रकार उत्तरदायी हैं? विवेचना कीजिये।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(c)
Approach: Address the premise critically: state the legal position (no recognition after Supriyo 2023), explain the real drivers of population dynamics (education, urbanisation, contraception; TFR 2.0), show why same-sex unions have a negligible demographic effect, and note related laws on adoption and ART.
The premise that same-sex marriages are responsible for population dynamics in India does not hold. Same-sex marriage is not legally recognised: in Supriyo Chakraborty v. Union of India (2023) the Supreme Court left the question to Parliament.
Population dynamics, the changes in fertility, mortality, migration and age structure, are driven by other forces. India's total fertility rate fell to 2.0 in NFHS-5 (2019–21), below replacement, because of female education, later marriage, urbanisation, contraception and the cost of raising children, as demographic transition theory explains. Same-sex couples are a small share of the population, and many LGBTQ persons in India are pressured into heterosexual marriages anyway, so their unions have a negligible demographic effect.
Related laws limit queer parenthood: the Surrogacy (Regulation) Act and the Assisted Reproductive Technology (Regulation) Act, both of 2021, exclude same-sex couples.
Sociologically, the debate is about family and rights, not population.
Question 3 (50 marks)
Q3(a) · Politics and Society in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Nation, Democracy and Citizenship in India
What do you mean by nation building? What is the role of religion in nation building? Elaborate your answer.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
राष्ट्र निर्माण से आप क्या समझते हैं? राष्ट्र निर्माण में धर्म की क्या भूमिका होती है? अपने उत्तर को विस्तार पूर्वक लिखिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(a)
Approach: Two parts: define nation building (Anderson, Deutsch, Indian thinkers), then elaborate religion's dual role, integrative and divisive, with Indian history and examples; conclude with the constitutional path.
Nation building is the process of creating a shared national identity, loyalty and institutions among diverse peoples within a State. Benedict Anderson (Imagined Communities, 1983) described the nation as an imagined political community, and Karl Deutsch stressed social communication. In India, Nehru's 'unity in diversity' and the Constitution sought a civic nation built on citizenship rather than one religion, language or race.
Religion as an integrative force: pilgrimage networks (Char Dham, Kumbh, Sufi dargahs) created a sense of sacred geography across regions long before modern nationalism; reform movements and figures such as Vivekananda used religion to build self-respect against colonial rule; Gandhi drew on religious symbols (Ram Rajya, prayer meetings, satyagraha) to mobilise the masses and preached sarva dharma samabhava. Durkheim's view that religion binds people through shared beliefs and rituals helps explain this.
Religion as a divisive force: the same mobilisation fed communal politics, separate electorates (1909) and Partition in 1947; Bipan Chandra traced how communal ideology treated religious communities as political units. Religious nationalism (Savarkar's Hindutva, 1923, and the Muslim League's two-nation theory) defined the nation by faith. Since independence, riots (Delhi 1984, Mumbai 1992–93, Gujarat 2002) and controversies over conversion and places of worship show religion straining national unity.
Constitutional approach: Indian secularism, as Rajeev Bhargava argues, keeps a 'principled distance' from all religions, protecting freedom of religion (Articles 25–28) and minority rights (Articles 29–30), while T.N. Madan and Ashis Nandy argue that tolerance must come from within religious traditions.
Religion can therefore build the nation when it supplies ethics, pluralism and solidarity, and can break it when used as the boundary of citizenship; India's nation building rests on keeping religion a source of values rather than a test of belonging.Q3(b) · Impact of Colonial Rule on Indian Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Social Background of Indian Nationalism
Do you think that new economic reforms of British rule have disrupted the old economic system of India? Substantiate your answer with suitable examples.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या आप सोचते हैं कि ब्रिटिश शासन द्वारा किए गए नवीन आर्थिक सुधारों ने भारत की पुरानी अर्थ व्यवस्था को विघटित किया है? उपयुक्त उदाहरण दे कर अपने उत्तर को प्रमाणित कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(b)
Approach: Take a position (largely yes) and substantiate with examples of British land settlements, deindustrialisation, commercialisation, drain and famines, add the counter-view (new opportunities, revisionist historians) and conclude.
Pre-colonial India had a largely agrarian economy based on village production, the jajmani exchange of services, flourishing handicrafts such as Bengal textiles, and land rights shared between cultivators and revenue holders. British economic policy did disrupt this system, as A.R. Desai and the economic nationalists argued.
First, land settlements: the Permanent Settlement of 1793 in Bengal, and the Ryotwari and Mahalwari systems elsewhere, turned land into saleable private property with fixed cash revenue. Peasants fell into debt, lands passed to moneylenders, and tenancy and absentee landlordism grew, leading to revolts such as the Deccan riots of 1875.
Second, deindustrialisation: cheap Manchester cloth and one-sided tariffs ruined weavers of Dhaka and Murshidabad, pushing artisans back to agriculture. Third, commercialisation forced crops such as indigo, cotton and jute for export, as in the indigo system that sparked the 1859–60 revolt and Champaran in 1917. Fourth, the drain of wealth, described by Dadabhai Naoroji in Poverty and Un-British Rule in India (1901), and recurrent famines, from 1876–78 to Bengal in 1943, showed the collapse of subsistence security.
Flow chart: Cash revenue and private property in land → debt and land transfer → forced commercial crops → ruin of crafts → overcrowding of agriculture → famines and peasant revolts.
Some historians, such as Morris D. Morris and later Tirthankar Roy, argue that decline was uneven and that railways, a national market, modern industry in Bombay and Ahmedabad and new professions also emerged. Marx himself saw British rule as destructive but also regenerative.
On balance, the old economy was disrupted mainly to serve British interests; the new elements benefited a narrow class, which is why economic grievance became a core of Indian nationalism.Q3(c) · Social Classes in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Middle Classes in India
Describe the main features of Indian new middle class. How is it different from the old middle class?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारतीय नव मध्य वर्ग की मुख्य विशेषताओं का वर्णन कीजिये। ये पूर्व/पुराने मध्य वर्ग से किस प्रकार भिन्न हैं?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(c)
Approach: Describe the features of the new middle class and contrast it with the old middle class on origin, occupation, values, consumption and relation to the state.
The new middle class, which grew after the economic reforms of 1991, is employed mainly in the private sector, IT, finance and services; relies on English and professional education; follows a consumer lifestyle; and has a global outlook, as Leela Fernandes describes in India's New Middle Class (2006).
The old middle class, traced by B.B. Misra to colonial times, consisted of government servants, teachers, lawyers, doctors, clerks and small traders. It differs from the new one in four ways. Origin: colonial and Nehruvian state versus the market after 1991. Occupation: public sector and professions versus private corporate jobs. Values: thrift, public service and nation-building versus individual achievement and consumption, as Pavan Varma argued. Relation to the state: dependence on it versus impatience with it.
Both remain dominated by upper castes, though reservations and markets are diversifying them.
The two often overlap within families, showing continuity as well as change.
Question 4 (50 marks)
Q4(a) · Rural and Agrarian Social Structure · 20 marks≈ 14 min
The Idea of the Indian Village and Village Studies
Who is said to be the pioneer of village studies in India? Illustratively describe contributions of some Indian sociologists on village studies. How their approaches are distinct from each other?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में ग्राम अध्ययन के लिए किसे अग्रणी माना जाता है? उदाहरण के तौर पर कुछ भारतीय समाजशास्त्रियों के ग्राम अध्ययन पर योगदान को बताइये। उनके उपागम परस्पर किस प्रकार से भिन्न हैं?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(a)
Approach: Three parts: identify the pioneers (early economic surveys of Mann and Slater; in sociology Srinivas and Dube), describe contributions of several sociologists with their villages and concepts, then compare their distinct approaches.
The earliest systematic village surveys were economic: Harold Mann's Land and Labour in a Deccan Village (1917) and Gilbert Slater's Some South Indian Villages (1918). In sociology, M.N. Srinivas is generally regarded as the pioneer of village studies, through his Rampura fieldwork (1948) and the volume India's Villages (1955), along with S.C. Dube, whose Indian Village (1955) was among the first full monographs by an Indian sociologist.
Srinivas studied Rampura near Mysore with a structural-functional approach, giving the concepts of dominant caste and Sanskritisation and, later, The Remembered Village (1976). Dube's Shamirpet study was holistic and descriptive, and his India's Changing Villages (1958) applied sociology to evaluate community development.
André Béteille's Sripuram study, Caste, Class and Power (1965), used a Weberian framework to show the shift from cumulative to dispersed inequality. Kathleen Gough's studies of Kumbapettai in Tanjore took a Marxist view of class conflict. Among foreign scholars, McKim Marriott's Kishangarhi gave universalisation and parochialisation, and Oscar Lewis's Rampur stressed factions and kinship.
Flow chart: Srinivas: structure and function → dominant caste. Dube: holistic description + applied evaluation. Béteille: Weberian caste, class, power. Gough: Marxist class conflict. Marriott: cultural interaction of great and little traditions.
Their approaches differ in focus and theory. Srinivas emphasised integration and caste mobility; Dube, the village's links with the state and planning; Béteille, the multiple dimensions of stratification; Gough, exploitation; and Marriott, cultural processes. Together they show that the same village can be read as a system of harmony, of hierarchy, of class or of culture, and the best analysis combines them.Q4(b) · Social Classes in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Industrial Class Structure
“Industrial class structure is a function of social structure of Indian society.” Do you agree with this statement? Analyze.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“औद्योगिक वर्ग संरचना भारतीय समाज की सामाजिक संरचना का एक प्रकार्य है।” क्या आप इस कथन से सहमत हैं? विश्लेषण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(b)
Approach: Agree largely: show how caste, kinship, region, religion and gender shape industrial ownership, recruitment, labour segmentation and unions (Morris, Holmström, Damodaran, Breman), then show the autonomous role of markets, technology and the state, and conclude.
The statement means that the classes formed by industry in India, owners, managers and workers, are shaped by the wider social structure of caste, kinship, region, religion and gender, rather than by the market alone. The evidence largely supports it, though industry also changes social structure.
At the top, industrial ownership has been concentrated among traditional trading communities such as Marwaris, Gujarati Banias, Parsis and Chettiars, using caste and kin networks for capital and trust. Harish Damodaran's India's New Capitalists (2008) shows newer entrants from peasant castes such as Kammas, Reddys and Patidars, but Dalits remain rare among owners despite efforts such as DICCI.
Among workers, Morris D. Morris's study of Bombay cotton mills (1965) showed recruitment through jobbers along caste, kin and village lines, and Dalits were long excluded from weaving departments on grounds of pollution. Mark Holmström's Industry and Inequality (1984) described the organised sector as a citadel of secure jobs, entered through networks, surrounded by a large informal sector. Jan Breman showed how migrant labour circulates through caste and regional networks.
Flow chart: Social structure (caste, kin, region, gender) → access to capital and networks → trading castes own industry; caste and kin recruitment; Dalits and women in informal, low-paid work → segmented industrial class structure.
Gender adds another layer: women are concentrated in low-paid garment, electronics assembly and home-based work, and only about 21.7% of all workers held regular salaried jobs in PLFS 2023–24, with women's share lower still. Trade unions too often divide along party, caste or regional lines, as in Shiv Sena's unions in Mumbai.
Yet industry is not only a function of social structure. Markets, technology, education and reservations in public employment have allowed new mobility, and IT and the professions recruit more on credentials. So the statement is broadly valid: social structure strongly shapes industrial classes, while industrialisation slowly reshapes social structure in turn.Q4(c) · Kinship, Family and Religion in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Lineage, Descent and Kinship Systems in India
What is kinship? Briefly explain G. P. Murdock's contribution to the study of the kinship system.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
नातेदारी क्या है? नातेदारी व्यवस्था के अध्ययन में जी. पी. मरडॉक के योगदान की संक्षेप में व्याख्या कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(c)
Approach: Define kinship, then explain Murdock's contributions (Social Structure 1949: universality of the nuclear family, cross-cultural method, classification of kinship terminology, HRAF) and their criticism and relevance to India.
Kinship is the network of socially recognised relationships based on descent and marriage, which regulates residence, inheritance, marriage and mutual obligations.
George Peter Murdock's Social Structure (1949) compared about 250 societies statistically. He argued that the nuclear family is universal, performing four functions: sexual, economic, reproductive and educational. He classified kinship terminologies into types such as Eskimo, Hawaiian, Iroquois, Crow, Omaha and Sudanese, linking them to descent and residence rules. He also built the Human Relations Area Files, a database for cross-cultural comparison.
Critics used Indian cases against him: the Nayar taravad, where husbands were visitors, challenged the universality of the nuclear family, as Kathleen Gough showed.
Others objected that statistical comparison tears customs out of their cultural context. Still, Murdock's comparative method shaped kinship studies, including Karve's regional comparison in India.
Question 5 (50 marks)
Q5(a) · Rural and Agrarian Transformation in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Green Revolution and Changing Modes of Production
'The transfer of land from cultivating to the non-cultivating owners is bringing about transformation in Indian society.' Justify your answer by giving suitable illustrations.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
'भूस्वामित्व खेतीहर से गैर खेतीहर स्वामियों को हस्तान्तरित किये जाने से भारतीय समाज रूपान्तरण (ट्रांसफार्मेशन) हो रहा है।' उपयुक्त उदाहरण दे कर अपने उत्तर की पुष्टि कीजिये।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(a)
Approach: Justify the statement with illustrations: explain the trend (absentee ownership, leasing, land as asset), give regional examples, and show its social consequences for class, caste, gender and the village.
Land reform aimed at 'land to the tiller', yet today land is increasingly owned by non-cultivating owners: families who have moved to towns or jobs, NRIs, urban investors and real-estate buyers, who lease it out or hold it as an asset.
Illustrations: in Punjab and Kerala, migrant and NRI families keep land and lease it to tenants, often informally; around Gurugram, Pune and Hyderabad, builders and investors have bought farmland; and among Jats, Patidars and Marathas, educated sons take salaried work while land is cultivated by tenants or migrant labour.
Dipankar Gupta ('Whither the Indian Village', 2005) argued that the village is no longer the site of the farmer's aspiration.
Transformation: land becomes a commodity and status asset rather than a basis of community; informal tenancy returns, leaving tenants insecure (NITI Aayog's Model Land Leasing Act, 2016, tried to address this); Dalit and migrant labourers become the actual cultivators; and with men leaving, women increasingly do farm work without owning land, the feminisation of agriculture Bina Agarwal stresses.Q5(b) · Industrialisation and Urbanisation in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Modern Industry and the Growth of Urban Settlements
Bring out various factors responsible for declining of village Industries in India.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में ग्रामीण उद्योगों के पतन के लिए उत्तरदायी विभिन्न कारकों का वर्णन कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(b)
Approach: Bring out the factors in groups (historical, economic, technological, social, policy), with examples, and end with revival efforts.
Village industries, such as handloom weaving, pottery, leatherwork, oil-pressing and smithy, were once tied to the jajmani system that William Wiser described in Karimpur.
Historical: colonial policy and cheap machine goods caused deindustrialisation, as Dadabhai Naoroji and R.C. Dutt argued. Economic and technological: mass-produced plastic, aluminium and synthetic goods replaced pots, cloth and leather; artisans lack credit, design and marketing, so middlemen take most of the value. Social: the decline of jajmani, the low status attached to caste occupations, and the aspiration of educated youth for salaried jobs push artisans' children away, as Dipankar Gupta notes for the village in general.
Policy and markets: de-reservation of small-industry products after 1991, competition from imports and weak cooperatives hurt them further.
Khadi and Village Industries Commission (1956), One District One Product and PM Vishwakarma (2023) seek revival through credit, skills and e-commerce, but success depends on design, markets and dignity of craft.Q5(c) · Politics and Society in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Political Parties, Pressure Groups and Elites
Discuss the social bases of political mobilization in Independent India. Has some change occurred in these during the last 60-70 years?
हिंदी में प्रश्न
स्वतंत्र भारत में राजनीतिक गतिशीलता के सामाजिक आधारों की विवेचना कीजिए। क्या पिछले 60-70 वर्षों में इन में (आधारों में) कोई परिवर्तन हुआ है?
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(c)
Approach: Two parts: list the social bases of mobilisation (caste, class, religion, language and region, tribe, gender), then show how they have changed over 60–70 years with phases and examples.
Political mobilisation is the process by which parties and movements draw people into political action; in India its social bases have been caste, class, religion, language and region, tribe and, increasingly, gender.
Change over time: in the Congress system (1952–67), which Rajni Kothari described, upper-caste leaders mobilised through dominant-caste intermediaries and vertical patron–client ties. From the late 1960s, linguistic and regional mobilisation (DMK, Akali Dal, Telugu Desam) and rich peasants (Charan Singh) rose. After Mandal (1990), OBC and Dalit parties such as the SP, RJD and BSP made caste identity the main axis, Yadav's 'second democratic upsurge', while the Ram Janmabhoomi movement made religion a powerful base. Since 2014, mobilisation combines Hindu nationalism, cross-caste coalitions including non-dominant OBCs and Dalits, and welfare beneficiaries (the 'labharthi'), while women now vote in equal or larger numbers.
Class-based mobilisation of workers and peasants has weakened relative to identity, though farmers' protests (2020–21) revived it.
The bases have thus shifted from vertical to horizontal and from local to national appeals.Q5(d) · Industrialisation and Urbanisation in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Working Class, Informal Sector and Child Labour
What are the major problems faced by the labour migrants while working in informal sectors of Indian States? Discuss.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारतीय राज्यों में अनौपचारिक क्षेत्रों में कार्य करने वाले प्रवासी श्रमिकों की प्रमुख समस्याएं क्या हैं? विवेचना कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(d)
Approach: Discuss the major problems of migrant workers in informal work across Indian states under clear heads, with studies and examples, and a line on remedies.
Labour migrants from states such as Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Odisha, Jharkhand and West Bengal form the backbone of informal work in construction, brick kilns, factories and services in Delhi, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Kerala and the south.
Problems: (i) Insecure work: no contracts, wage theft and dependence on contractors; Jan Breman called them 'footloose labour' and described neo-bondage through advances. (ii) Living conditions: worksite camps and slums without water, sanitation or safety. (iii) Exclusion from welfare: ration cards, voter lists and schooling are tied to the home state; One Nation One Ration Card (2019–2020) eased only part of this. (iv) Social hostility: nativist campaigns and attacks, as in Maharashtra in 2008 and Gujarat in 2018, and language barriers.
(v) Occupational hazards without insurance, and (vi) gendered vulnerability of women migrants to harassment and unpaid work. COVID-19 in 2020 exposed all of these at once.
Kerala's insurance and housing schemes for migrants, e-Shram registration and the OSH Code 2020 show the way, but enforcement and portable entitlements remain essential.Q5(e) · Industrialisation and Urbanisation in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Working Class, Informal Sector and Child Labour
Do you think that law has been able to abolish child labour in India? Comment.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या आप सोचते हैं कि कानून भारत में बाल श्रम को समाप्त करने के लिए सक्षम है? टिप्पणी कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(e)
Approach: Comment with a judgement: list the legal framework, show what it achieved with data, explain why child labour persists (Weiner, poverty, loopholes), and conclude that law alone has not abolished it.
India's child labour law includes Article 24, the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act 1986, amended in 2016 to ban all work by children under 14 except help in family enterprises after school, and hazardous work for adolescents of 14–18, together with the RTE Act 2009 and the Juvenile Justice Act 2015.
Law has helped: Census figures show working children aged 5–14 falling from about 1.26 crore (2001) to 1.01 crore (2011); the Supreme Court in M.C. Mehta (1996) ordered rehabilitation funds; and the PENCIL portal (2017) and rescues by Bachpan Bachao Andolan have freed many children.
But it has not abolished child labour. Poverty, debt and migration push children into work; the 2016 family-enterprise exception hides child labour in home-based work; enforcement is weak; and Myron Weiner (1991) argued that elites' hierarchical beliefs, not poverty alone, delayed compulsory schooling.
Law is necessary but insufficient; quality schooling, livelihood security and social norms against child work must accompany it.
Question 6 (50 marks)
Q6(a) · Visions of Social Change in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Constitution, Law and Social Change
In what respects have the constitutional provisions changed the socio-economic and political conditions of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in India? Critically examine.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
संवैधानिक प्रावधानों ने किस अर्थ में अनुसूचित जातियों तथा अनुसूचित जनजातियों की सामाजिक, आर्थिक एवं राजनैतिक दशाओं को परिवर्तित किया है? आलोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(a)
Approach: Critically examine the change in three spheres (social, economic, political) brought by constitutional provisions for SCs and STs, then show the limits with data and studies, and conclude.
The Constitution treats SCs (16.6% of the population, Census 2011) and STs (8.6%) through compensatory discrimination, Marc Galanter's term for treating unequals unequally: Article 17 abolishes untouchability, Articles 15(4), 16(4), 46, 330, 332 and 335 provide reservation and protection, and the Fifth and Sixth Schedules protect tribal areas.
Political change: 84 Lok Sabha seats are reserved for SCs and 47 for STs, and reservation in panchayats (73rd Amendment, 1992) and PESA 1996 brought lakhs of Dalit and Adivasi representatives into local power. Christophe Jaffrelot called the rise of parties such as the BSP a 'silent revolution'.
Socio-economic change: reservation in education and jobs created a Dalit middle class and professional elite; SC literacy rose from about 10% in 1961 to 66.1% in 2011, and laws such as the Protection of Civil Rights Act (1955, renamed 1976), the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989 and the Forest Rights Act 2006 gave legal protection and land rights. Public humiliation and open untouchability have declined, as Srinivas and later field studies note.
Limits: benefits concentrated in a few sub-castes, which led to sub-classification in State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh (2024); NCRB recorded 57,582 crimes against SCs and 10,064 against STs in 2022; most Dalits remain landless labourers; and STs carry the highest multidimensional poverty and the burden of displacement. Anand Teltumbde and Gail Omvedt argue that reservation without land reform and quality schooling leaves the structure intact, and Ambedkar himself warned of a 'life of contradictions'.
The provisions have thus transformed political voice and created mobility, but social and economic equality remains unfinished; it needs land and forest rights in practice, quality education and firm enforcement of atrocity law.Q6(b) · Industrialisation and Urbanisation in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Modern Industry and the Growth of Urban Settlements
Discuss the trend of urbanization in India. Do you think that Industrialization is the only precondition of urbanization? Give your arguments.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में नगरीकरण की प्रवृत्ति की विवेचना कीजिए। क्या आप सोचते हैं कि औद्योगीकरण नगरीकरण की पूर्व शर्त है? अपने तर्क दीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(b)
Approach: Two parts: describe the trend of urbanisation with Census data and features, then argue that industrialisation is an important but not the only precondition, giving other drivers with Indian examples; conclude.
Urbanisation is the rise in the share of population living in towns and the spread of urban ways of life. India's urban share grew slowly from 17.3% in 1951 to 31.1% in 2011, and is projected at about 38% by 2036 (Technical Group, 2020); Census 2027 will give the next count.
Trend and features: growth is concentrated in metropolitan regions (53 million-plus agglomerations in 2011) while small towns grow through reclassification, as census towns rose from 1,362 to 3,894 in 2001–11; it is regionally uneven, with Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Maharashtra highly urbanised and Bihar and Himachal Pradesh least; and it is marked by informal work, slums and peri-urban sprawl.
Is industrialisation the only precondition? In Western Europe, as Weber and Durkheim observed, factory industry drew labour into cities, and Indian cities such as Jamshedpur, Bhilai and Kanpur grew this way. But India shows other routes. Cities grew as administrative capitals (Chandigarh, Bhubaneswar), religious and pilgrimage centres (Varanasi, Madurai, which Redfield and Singer called orthogenetic cities), trade and port centres, and service hubs (Bengaluru, Hyderabad, Gurugram) based on IT rather than factories. Rural push from agrarian distress produces urbanisation without industrial jobs, the over-urbanisation of Davis and Golden. Kerala's continuous rural–urban settlement grew on remittances, and 'subaltern urbanisation' (Denis, Mukhopadhyay and Zérah, 2012) shows small towns growing from local trade and services.
Industrialisation is therefore an important driver but not the only precondition of urbanisation in India; the absence of large-scale manufacturing explains why Indian urbanisation is slow, informal and unequal, and why job-rich industry and planned small towns matter for its future.Q6(c) · Challenges of Social Transformation · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Violence against Women and Caste Conflicts
Which measures would you suggest for preventing caste conflicts in India? Justify your argument.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में जाति संघर्ष को रोकने के लिए आप कौन से उपाय सुझाएंगे? अपने तर्क की पुष्टी कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(c)
Approach: Suggest and justify measures to prevent caste conflicts at structural, legal, political, educational and community levels, each linked to the causes.
Caste conflicts arise from competition over land, wages, status, reservation and political power, and from resistance to Dalit assertion; NCRB recorded 55,698 crimes against SCs in 2024.
Measures and justification: (i) Land and livelihood: land reform, secure work and non-farm jobs reduce the economic dependence that fuels domination, since many conflicts begin over wages or land, as at Kilvenmani (1968). (ii) Strict enforcement of law: the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989 with special courts and quick trials deters violence; the 2018 restoration of the Act shows its importance. (iii) Inclusive education: schools and campuses free of discrimination, with anti-caste curricula, weaken prejudice, as Ambedkar stressed. (iv) Inter-caste marriage and contact: incentives and protection for couples (Shakti Vahini, 2018) build bonds across castes, following Allport's contact hypothesis. (v) Responsible politics: discourage caste mobilisation that provokes violence and ensure fair sharing of reservation through sub-classification (Davinder Singh, 2024). (vi) Community and administration: peace committees, early-warning policing and representative police forces.
Ashutosh Varshney shows that inter-community civic associations prevent riots; the same applies to caste.
Prevention therefore requires reducing inequality, not only policing conflict.
Question 7 (50 marks)
Q7(a) · Population Dynamics · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Emerging Issues: Ageing, Sex Ratio, Mortality and Reproductive Health
What are the Private and Public network and support systems operative in Indian society for the aged? Suggest measures to curb down the challenges before care givers of the aged.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारतीय समाज में वृद्धों के लिए प्रवर्तनशील निजी तथा सार्वजनिक संजाल (नैटवर्क) एवं सहायक व्यवस्थाएँ क्या हैं? वृद्धों की देख-रेख करने वालों के सामने आने वाली चुनौतियों को कम करने के लिए किये जाने वाले प्रयासों के सुझाव दीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(a)
Approach: Two parts: describe private networks (family, kin, community, religious and caste bodies, market) and public systems (laws, pensions, health, institutions) for the aged, then suggest measures to address caregivers' challenges (gender burden, skills, stress, finance); conclude.
With about 10% of India's population aged 60 and above in 2021, projected to rise to 15% by 2036 (India Ageing Report 2023), the support of the aged rests on a combination of private and public networks.
Private networks: (i) the family, especially co-resident sons and daughters-in-law, remains the main source of care, rooted in the norm of filial duty (seva); (ii) kin and neighbours give help in villages; (iii) community, religious and caste bodies, such as temple trusts, gurdwaras, church-run homes and caste associations, run old age homes and support; (iv) NGOs such as HelpAge India; (v) the market offers paid caregivers, assisted living and senior housing for the urban middle class.
Public systems: the Maintenance and Welfare of Parents and Senior Citizens Act 2007 (maintenance tribunals); the Indira Gandhi National Old Age Pension Scheme under NSAP; the National Programme for Health Care of the Elderly (2010); Ayushman Vay Vandana (2024) for all aged 70 and above; the Atal Vayo Abhyuday Yojana (2021); and Elderline (14567).
Challenges of caregivers: care falls mostly on women, who give up paid work; caregivers lack training for dementia and chronic illness; they face stress and burnout; costs of medicines and hospital stays push families into debt; and paid caregivers, often migrant women, work informally without rights.
Measures: recognise care work through caregiver allowances and pension credits; train community caregivers and ASHA-type geriatric workers; provide respite care, day-care centres and home-based palliative services; extend leave policies for family care; regulate and protect paid care workers under the Social Security Code 2020; and encourage men's share in care.
A sustainable model combines family support with public services, so that care for the aged does not depend on the unpaid labour of women alone.Q7(b) · Visions of Social Change in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Education and Social Change in India
“Educational development is the only Panacea for country's all ills and evils.” Critically examine the above statement with reference to NEP-2020.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
“शैक्षिक विकास ही देश की समस्त बीमारियों तथा बुराइयों का एकमात्र उपचार है।” उपर्युक्त कथन का राष्ट्रीय शिक्षा नीति-2020 के सन्दर्भ में आलोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(b)
Approach: Critically examine the claim that education alone cures all ills, using NEP 2020: show what NEP promises and where education does transform, then why it cannot be the only panacea (structure, jobs, inequality, implementation), and conclude.
The statement reflects the liberal-functionalist faith, from Durkheim and Parsons to the Kothari Commission (1964–66), that education is the master key to national development; NEP 2020 shares this hope when it calls education fundamental to achieving full human potential and an equitable society.
Where it holds: NEP 2020 seeks universal access from pre-school to Class 12, foundational literacy and numeracy (NIPUN Bharat, 2021), mother-tongue teaching where possible up to Class 5, vocational exposure from Class 6, multidisciplinary higher education and 50% higher-education GER by 2035, with public spending of 6% of GDP. Indian evidence shows education's wide effects: Kerala's literacy lowered fertility and infant mortality, female schooling delays marriage (NFHS-5, 2019–21), and education gave Dalits through Ambedkar and Phule the means of assertion. Amartya Sen treats education as a core capability.
Why it is not the only panacea: conflict theorists show that education reproduces inequality, through Bourdieu's cultural capital and Bowles and Gintis's correspondence principle; in India, private English-medium schooling, coaching and the digital divide favour the middle class. ASER 2024 found only 23.4% of Class 3 children able to read a Class 2 text, so access without learning is hollow. Educated unemployment among youth, studied by Craig Jeffrey in Timepass (2010), shows that degrees need jobs; caste violence and dowry persist among the educated; and NEP itself faces criticism over language politics, centralisation and the gap between the 6% target and actual spending of about 4–4.6% of GDP.
Flow chart: education → skills and values → mobility and change, but filtered by class, caste, gender and the labour market.
Education is thus the most powerful single instrument of social change, but not a panacea; it works with land reform, employment, health, law and political participation. NEP 2020 will succeed only if implementation reaches the government school and the first-generation learner.Q7(c) · Social Movements in Modern India · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Backward Classes and Dalit Movements
How Dalit movements in India have facilitated their Identity formation? Analyze.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत में दलित आंदोलनों ने उनकी पहचान बनाने को किस प्रकार से सहज बनाया है? विश्लेषण कीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(c)
Approach: Analyse how Dalit movements built identity: from stigma to self-chosen identity through naming, history, religion, literature and politics, with movements and scholars.
Identity formation is the process by which a group defines who it is; Dalit movements turned an imposed, stigmatised status ('untouchable') into an assertive, self-chosen identity.
Naming: the word 'Dalit' (broken, oppressed), popularised by the Dalit Panthers (1972), replaced 'Harijan', which Ambedkarites rejected as paternalistic. Alternative history: Phule's Satyashodhak Samaj (1873) and the Adi Dharm (Punjab, 1920s) and Adi Dravida movements claimed Dalits as the original inhabitants, an idea Mark Juergensmeyer studied for Ad Dharm. Religion: Ambedkar's conversion to Buddhism in 1956 gave a new religious identity outside Hinduism. Culture: Dalit literature (Namdeo Dhasal, Om Prakash Valmiki), Ambedkar Jayanti and the Bhima Koregaon commemoration created symbols and memory. Politics: Kanshi Ram's 'Bahujan' identity built a political community.
Gail Omvedt and Eleanor Zelliot show this as the shift from a caste to a class-like community of the oppressed.
Yet internal divisions of sub-caste, region and gender complicate a single Dalit identity.
Question 8 (50 marks)
Q8(a) · Challenges of Social Transformation · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Crisis of Development: Displacement, Environment and Sustainability
Is it possible to have sustainable development in India? Cite major environmental issues and suggest a few measures to achieve the sustainability.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या भारत में संधारणीय विकास होना संभव है? पर्यावरणीय मुद्दों को ध्यान में रखते हुए संधारणीयता को अर्जित करने के लिए कुछ उपाय सुझाइये।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(a)
Approach: Answer yes, with conditions: define sustainable development (Brundtland), cite major environmental issues with data, then suggest measures; conclude that sustainability is possible if growth becomes socially just and ecologically bounded.
Sustainable development, defined by the Brundtland Commission (Our Common Future, 1987), is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. For India, with a large poor population and fragile ecosystems, it is both necessary and difficult.
Major environmental issues: (i) Air pollution: Delhi and many north Indian cities regularly record hazardous winter air, driven by vehicles, industry, construction and crop-residue burning. (ii) Water stress: groundwater depletion in Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan, and polluted rivers such as the Ganga and Yamuna. (iii) Land degradation: ISRO's Desertification Atlas (2021) estimated that nearly 30% of India's land was degraded. (iv) Forests and biodiversity: forest and tree cover is about 25% of the area (ISFR 2023), but natural forests are lost to mining and linear projects. (v) Climate change: heatwaves, floods, glacial retreat and Himalayan disasters such as Joshimath (2023) and Wayanad (2024).
Is it possible? Yes, there are signs: India committed to net zero by 2070 at COP26 (2021), reached about half of installed power capacity from non-fossil sources in 2025, and runs Mission LiFE (2022), the National Green Tribunal (2010) and community forest rights under the Forest Rights Act 2006.
Measures: renewable energy with a just transition for coal regions; water conservation, crop diversification away from paddy in the north-west and natural farming; enforcement of pollution norms and public transport in cities; community-based forest and commons management, recognising the 'environmentalism of the poor' (Guha and Martinez-Alier); strict social and environmental impact assessment; and sustainable consumption by the affluent.
Sustainable development in India is therefore possible, but only if growth is made socially just and respects ecological limits, with local communities as partners rather than casualties.Q8(b) · Challenges of Social Transformation · 20 marks≈ 14 min
Poverty, Deprivation and Inequalities
Do you think that forced displacement of labourers has caused their deprivation and resultant inequalities during the recent past years? Elaborate.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
क्या आप सोचते हैं कि मजदूरों का जबरन विस्थापन उनके वंचन का कारण है तथा उसके परिणामस्वरूप हाल ही के कुछ वर्षों से भारत में असमानता आई है? विस्तार से उत्तर दीजिए।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(b)
Approach: Elaborate, taking a position: identify recent forms of forced displacement of labourers (pandemic, evictions, projects, conflict, climate), then show how each produced deprivation and inequality, with data and theory; conclude.
Yes. Forced displacement of labourers, their compelled movement from homes or workplaces, has in recent years deepened deprivation, in Amartya Sen's sense of capability loss, and widened inequalities, because those displaced are mostly informal, Dalit, Adivasi, Muslim and migrant workers with the least protection.
Forms and effects: (i) Pandemic displacement: the lockdown of March 2020 forced over one crore migrant workers to return home; they lost income, savings and dignity, while formal workers worked from home, a sharp class divide. Azim Premji University's studies recorded large income losses among informal workers. (ii) Urban evictions: demolitions for beautification and events, such as before the G20 summit in Delhi (2023), displaced vendors and slum dwellers from their livelihoods. (iii) Development projects: mines, dams and industrial corridors displace Adivasi labourers and the landless, who rarely receive compensation, as Walter Fernandes and Michael Cernea's risk model show. (iv) Conflict: the ethnic violence in Manipur from 2023 displaced about 60,000 people into relief camps. (v) Climate: floods in Assam and Bihar, cyclones and drought push labourers into distress migration.
How deprivation turns into inequality: displacement destroys assets and networks (social capital), interrupts children's schooling, pushes families into debt and neo-bondage (Jan Breman), and excludes them from welfare tied to residence. Women face added care burdens and insecurity. Meanwhile, those who own capital and land near new projects gain, so displacement transfers resources upward, what David Harvey calls accumulation by dispossession.
Responses: One Nation One Ration Card, e-Shram (about 31.89 crore registrations by August 2026), the Labour Codes (in force from November 2025) and the 2013 land law offer partial protection, but portability, enforcement and rehabilitation remain weak.
Forced displacement has thus been a powerful mechanism of deprivation and inequality; protecting the mobility and rights of labour is central to inclusive development.Q8(c) · Rural and Agrarian Transformation in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min
Rural Development: Community Development, Cooperatives and Poverty Alleviation
What are the Indian government's schemes launched for poverty alleviation after the United Nation's Declaration of 'Sustainable Development Goals - 2015'? Briefly describe.
हिंदी में प्रश्न
भारत सरकार ने यूनाइटेड नेशन्स द्वारा 'सस्टेनेबिल डेवेलपमेंट गोल्स - 2015' की घोषणा के पश्चात् निर्धनता उन्मूलन के लिए कौन सी योजनाएं प्रारम्भ की हैं? संक्षेप में वर्णन कीजिये।
Model answer
Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(c)
Approach: Briefly describe the major post-2015 poverty-alleviation schemes, grouped by type (livelihood, housing and basic services, income support, food, health), linked to SDG 1, with one line of assessment.
The UN adopted the Sustainable Development Goals in September 2015; SDG 1 aims to end poverty in all its forms by 2030. India's schemes after 2015 treat poverty as multidimensional, the approach of NITI Aayog's MPI.
Livelihood: DAY-NRLM (renamed 2016) organises rural women into self-help groups, with the Lakhpati Didi target; Stand-Up India (2016) and PM SVANidhi (2020) give credit to the weaker sections and street vendors. Housing and basic services: PMAY-Gramin (2016), Ujjwala LPG (2016), Saubhagya electricity (2017) and Jal Jeevan Mission (2019). Income and food: PM-KISAN (2019) pays ₹6,000 a year to farmers, and PM Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana (2020) gives free grain, extended for five years from January 2024.
Health: Ayushman Bharat PM-JAY (2018) covers hospital costs of poor families. Wage employment moved from MGNREGA to the VB-G RAM G Act from 1 July 2026.
NITI Aayog estimated that multidimensional poverty fell from 29.17% (2013–14) to 11.28% (2022–23), though critics note exclusion errors and the risk of welfare replacing secure jobs.
