All Sociology optional papers

    UPSC Mains 2021 Sociology Optional Question Papers with Model Answers

    All 56 questions of the 2021 Civil Services Main Examination, Sociology Paper I and Sociology Paper II, with marks and a suggested time per part. Solve each part on paper first, then open the model answer, or send it to answer-writing practice for evaluation.

    UPSC Mains 2021 Sociology Paper I

    Question 1 (50 marks)

    1. Q1(a) · Sociology: The Discipline · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Modernity, Social Change in Europe and the Emergence of Sociology

      Europe was the first and the only place where modernity emerged. Comment.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      यूरोप पहला और एकमात्र स्थान था जहाँ आधुनिकता का उदय हुआ। टिप्पणी कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(a)
      Approach: Comment by first stating the Eurocentric view (Weber, Giddens), then challenging it with Eisenstadt's multiple modernities, Pomeranz, Goody and Indian scholars, ending with a balanced view.
      Classical sociology treated modernity as a European invention. Weber asked why rational capitalism arose only in the West, and Giddens (The Consequences of Modernity, 1990) defines modernity as institutions first established in post-feudal Europe.
      The claim has some basis: the scientific revolution, the Industrial Revolution, the nation-state and bureaucratic capitalism did first combine in Western Europe.
      However, 'first and only' is contested. S.N. Eisenstadt (2000) argued for multiple modernities, as Japan, China and India combined modern institutions with their own cultures. Kenneth Pomeranz (The Great Divergence, 2000) showed that parts of China matched England economically until about 1800, and Jack Goody criticised Europe's 'theft' of others' achievements.
      In India, Milton Singer found Madras industrialists running modern firms while keeping joint families and rituals, and Yogendra Singh (1973) showed selective modernisation of tradition. Colonial modernity also arrived with domination.
      Hence Europe was an early site of modernity, but not the only one; modernity is plural.
    2. Q1(b) · Sociology as Science · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Fact, Value, Objectivity and Non-positivist Methodologies

      Do you think ethnomethodology helps us in getting reliable and valid data? Justify your answer.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      क्या आप यह समझते हैं कि नृजातीय-पद्धतिशास्त्र, विश्वसनीय और वैध डेटा (आँकड़े) प्राप्त करने में हमारी मदद करता है? अपने उत्तर का औचित्य साबित कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(b)
      Approach: Justify a qualified answer: explain ethnomethodology, then show where it gives valid and reliable data (naturally occurring talk, recordings) and where it falls short (indexicality, small scale, ethics), with an Indian illustration.
      Ethnomethodology, founded by Harold Garfinkel (Studies in Ethnomethodology, 1967), studies the methods ordinary people use to make sense of and produce social order. Its tools are breaching experiments, close observation and conversation analysis.
      It helps validity because it studies naturally occurring talk and action rather than answers to a researcher's categories. Atkinson's study of coroners and Cicourel's of juvenile justice showed how official data are produced, exposing hidden biases in statistics. Recorded and transcribed conversations can be re-examined by others, which gives a form of reliability.
      In India, analysing how people seat guests, share food or address one another can show how caste is still practised in everyday life without being named.
      But its limits are real. Indexicality means meanings depend on context, so findings are hard to generalise; studies are small and descriptive; breaching experiments raise ethical problems; and it neglects structure, power and history.
      Ethnomethodology therefore yields valid data on everyday practices, but its reliability and scope are limited, so it works best alongside other methods.
    3. Q1(c) · Research Methods and Analysis · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Techniques of Data Collection

      Discuss the challenges involved in collecting data through census method.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      जनगणना पद्धति के माध्यम से डेटा (आँकड़े) एकत्रित करने में आने वाली चुनौतियों की चर्चा कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(c)
      Approach: Define the census method, then discuss its challenges under logistical, methodological and political heads using the Indian Census (2011, the postponed 2021 round and Census 2027), and conclude briefly.
      The census method collects data from every unit of a population rather than a sample. The decennial Census of India, conducted since 1872 and synchronously since 1881, is the world’s largest such exercise.
      Logistical challenges: enormous cost, time and manpower (lakhs of enumerators), training them to apply definitions uniformly, and reaching remote areas. The 2021 round was postponed because of COVID-19; Census 2027 has the reference date 1 March 2027 (1 October 2026 for snow-bound areas) and uses mobile apps and self-enumeration, raising issues of data security.
      Methodological challenges: under-coverage of the homeless, migrants and nomadic groups; age heaping and misreporting; respondent fatigue with long schedules; and limited depth, since a census can ask only simple questions.
      Social and political challenges: returns on religion, mother tongue and caste are sensitive; caste was last fully enumerated in 1931 and the SECC 2011 caste data were never fully released, and Census 2027 is to include caste enumeration. Hence the census gives unmatched coverage but needs sample surveys for depth.
    4. Q1(d) · Sociological Thinkers: Marx and Durkheim · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Emile Durkheim: Social Fact and Division of Labour

      Explain whether Durkheim's theory of Division of Labour is relevant in the present day context.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      स्पष्ट कीजिए कि क्या दुर्खीम का श्रम विभाजन का सिद्धान्त आज के संदर्भ में प्रासंगिक है।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(d)
      Approach: Summarise the theory briefly, then test its relevance today with current Indian examples of organic solidarity and of the abnormal forms, ending with limits.
      In The Division of Labour in Society (1893), Durkheim argued that societies move from mechanical solidarity, based on likeness and a strong collective conscience with repressive law, to organic solidarity, based on specialisation, interdependence and restitutive law.
      Relevance today: (i) global supply chains and India’s service economy show deep interdependence, as the 2020 lockdown revealed when migrant workers left cities; (ii) the growth of contract, labour and consumer law fits restitutive law, and the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (2023) adds community service; (iii) his abnormal forms remain visible: anomic division in labour unrest and gig precarity, and forced division in caste-based occupations, which Ambedkar called a division of labourers.
      Limits: the shift is not linear, since khap panchayats, caste associations and nationalism show strong mechanical solidarity; and Marxists and Dahrendorf stress power and exploitation.
      Thus the theory remains relevant as a framework for solidarity and its breakdowns.
    5. Q1(e) · Stratification and Mobility · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Theories of Stratification: Functionalist, Marxist and Weberian

      Critically examine Max Weber's theory of Social Stratification.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      मैक्स वेबर के सामाजिक स्तरीकरण सिद्धान्त का समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q1(e)
      Approach: Summarise Weber's three-dimensional theory in two or three lines, then examine its strengths and its criticisms (Marxist, feminist, Indian), and conclude.
      Max Weber saw stratification as the distribution of power in three orders: class (market situation and life chances), status (social honour and lifestyle) and party (organised pursuit of power).
      Strengths: the model is multidimensional and explains the growth of the middle class, the importance of skills and credentials, and cases where wealth and honour diverge, such as the poor Brahmin or the rich but low-ranked trader. It fits India, where caste (status), class and political power (party) interact, as Béteille showed in Sripuram.
      Criticisms: Marxists argue that status and party ultimately rest on economic power, and that Weber's market focus hides exploitation in production. His categories are loosely defined, making the number of classes indeterminate. Feminists note that he ignores gender, and his view of caste as an extreme status group was criticised by Dumont for ignoring its religious logic of purity.
      Despite these limits, Weber's theory remains the most flexible tool for analysing inequality in plural societies like India.

    Question 2 (50 marks)

    1. Q2(a) · Sociology: The Discipline · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Scope of Sociology and Comparison with Other Social Sciences

      From the viewpoint of growing importance of multidisciplinarity, how do you relate sociology to other social sciences?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      बहुविषयकता के बढ़ते महत्त्व के दृष्टिकोण से आप समाजशास्त्र को अन्य सामाजिक विज्ञानों से कैसे सम्बन्धित मानते हैं?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(a)
      Approach: Relate sociology to other social sciences in a multidisciplinary frame: why multidisciplinarity has grown, the bridging sub-fields with economics, politics, history, psychology, anthropology and environment, Indian examples and policy (NEP 2020), and the risks.
      Multidisciplinarity means studying a problem with the concepts and methods of several disciplines. It has grown because problems such as poverty, migration, climate change and pandemics do not respect disciplinary boundaries. Immanuel Wallerstein's Gulbenkian Commission report Open the Social Sciences (1996) argued that the nineteenth-century division of social sciences had become outdated.
      Sociology and economics: economic sociology studies how markets are embedded in social relations (Polanyi, 1944; Granovetter, 1985). In India, caste and kin networks shape trading communities and labour markets.
      Sociology and political science: political sociology studies power, parties and voting; Rajni Kothari's work on caste in politics and Lokniti-CSDS surveys combine both.
      Sociology and history: historical sociology (Weber, Barrington Moore) and Subaltern Studies link structure with the past. Sociology and psychology: social psychology (Mead, Cooley) studies the social self.
      Sociology and anthropology: in India they are nearly one, as Srinivas's and Dube's village studies show. Environment: Madhav Gadgil and Ramachandra Guha (This Fissured Land, 1992) joined ecology, history and sociology.
      Flow chart: complex social problem → inputs from economics, politics, history, psychology, anthropology → sociology links them through social structure and meaning → integrated explanation and policy
      Policy relevance: the National Education Policy 2020 promotes multidisciplinary education, and sociological inputs on caste, gender and tribe inform schemes and impact studies, such as the social impact assessment required by the Land Acquisition Act of 2013.
      Caution: multidisciplinarity can dilute disciplinary rigour; sociology contributes best when it keeps its own concepts, such as structure, institution, norm and identity. Thus sociology is both a contributor to and an integrator of the social sciences.
    2. Q2(b) · Sociology as Science · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Positivism and Its Critique

      How far are sociologists justified in using positivist approach to understand social reality? Explain with suitable illustrations.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      सामाजिक वास्तविकता को समझने के लिए प्रत्यक्षवादी दृष्टिकोण का उपयोग करने में समाजशास्त्रियों को कहाँ तक उचित ठहराया जा सकता है? उपयुक्त दृष्टांतों के साथ समझाइए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(b)
      Approach: Judge 'how far' by showing where the positivist approach is justified (patterns, comparison, policy) and where it fails (meaning, constructed data, reactivity, values), with illustrations from Durkheim and Indian data, and conclude with a qualified answer.
      The positivist approach studies society like nature: it seeks observable regularities and causal laws through measurement, surveys, official statistics and comparison, keeping the researcher's values out. Comte proposed it and Durkheim applied it.
      Sociologists are justified in using it for several reasons. Many social realities are external and patterned, as Durkheim's Suicide (1897) showed when suicide rates varied with integration and regulation across Europe. Large samples allow generalisation and comparison. In India, NFHS-5 (2019–21) covered about 6.37 lakh households, giving district-level data on health and gender; NITI Aayog's index showed multidimensional poverty falling from 24.85 percent in 2015–16 to 14.96 percent in 2019–21; and the Bihar caste survey (2023) reported Extremely Backward Classes at about 36 percent. Such data guide policy on reservation, welfare and health, which interpretive studies alone cannot do.
      But the approach is justified only up to a point. Weber held that action must be understood through its subjective meaning. Statistics are social products: Douglas and Atkinson showed this for suicide, and in India NCRB records far fewer crimes against women than NFHS-5 reveals, because many women never report. Categories are contested, as the debate over counting caste in the next Census shows. People react to observation (the Hawthorne effect), and the choice of topics reflects values, as Myrdal argued.
      Indian sociology also shows the value of other methods: Srinivas's Rampura fieldwork found Sanskritisation and dominant caste through participant observation, not surveys.
      Therefore sociologists are justified in using positivism to map patterns and test claims, but not in treating it as the only route. Combined with interpretive methods through triangulation, it gives a fuller picture of social reality.
    3. Q2(c) · Sociology: The Discipline · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Sociology and Common Sense

      How is sociology related to common sense?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      समाजशास्त्र, सामान्य बुद्धि से कैसे सम्बन्धित है?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q2(c)
      Approach: Explain the relationship in two parts: how sociology differs from common sense (method, concepts, comparison) and how it builds on and studies it (Schutz, Garfinkel, Giddens), with Béteille and an Indian example.
      Common sense is unreflective everyday knowledge learnt through experience; sociology is systematic knowledge based on method and theory. Their relation is both of distance and of dependence.
      Distance: Durkheim asked sociologists to set aside prenotions, and Bourdieu called for an epistemological break. Peter Berger (Invitation to Sociology, 1963) saw sociology as debunking, looking beyond official and everyday explanations. Common sense naturalises social arrangements; sociology shows them to be social and variable.
      Dependence: Schutz showed that sociology must understand actors' everyday typifications; Garfinkel studied the methods of everyday reasoning; and Giddens' double hermeneutic shows sociological concepts flowing back into common sense.
      Indian example: common sense calls dowry an ancient custom, but Srinivas argued that modern dowry spread with new wealth and status competition. André Béteille stressed that comparison distinguishes sociology from common sense.
      Thus sociology starts from common sense, questions it and returns refined knowledge to it.

    Question 3 (50 marks)

    1. Q3(a) · Research Methods and Analysis · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Qualitative and Quantitative Methods

      How do qualitative and quantitative methods supplement each other in sociological enquiry?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      गुणात्मक और मात्रात्मक विधियाँ, कैसे समाजशास्त्रीय जाँच में एक-दूसरे की पूरक हैं?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(a)
      Approach: Contrast the two methods briefly, then show the ways they supplement each other (sequence, triangulation, explaining and generalising) with classic and Indian studies, and conclude on methodological pluralism.
      Quantitative methods, rooted in positivism, measure social facts through surveys and statistics and value reliability and representativeness; qualitative methods, rooted in interpretivism, study meanings through observation and interviews and value validity and depth. The old ‘paradigm war’ has given way to the view that each covers the other’s blind spots.
      Ways they supplement each other: first, qualitative work generates hypotheses and questionnaire items, and surveys then test them on large samples; second, surveys identify patterns and qualitative work explains them; third, Denzin’s triangulation (1970) cross-checks one method’s findings with another, raising validity; fourth, qualitative case studies are generalised through quantitative data, while statistics are humanised by narratives.
      Flow chart: Fieldwork → concepts and hypotheses → survey → statistical patterns → in-depth interviews to explain them → theory.
      Classic examples: Durkheim’s statistical Suicide (1897) was later criticised by Douglas (1967) for ignoring the meanings coroners attach to deaths, showing the need for both; the Marienthal study (1933) and Goldthorpe’s Affluent Worker used surveys with interviews.
      Indian examples: Srinivas’s concept of dominant caste, found through fieldwork in Rampura, has been tested in many states with land and electoral data; CSDS-Lokniti election surveys show caste-wise voting, while ethnographies explain why caste loyalties shift. NFHS-5 (2019–21) shows that 23.3 percent of women aged 20–24 married before 18, but qualitative studies reveal the family honour and dowry pressures behind these numbers. Similarly, Untouchability in Rural India (2006) combined a 565-village survey with narratives.
      Thus the two methods are complementary: numbers tell us how much and how widespread, meanings tell us why and how, and a mature sociology uses both according to the research question.
    2. Q3(b) · Sociological Thinkers: Marx and Durkheim · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Karl Marx: Historical Materialism and Mode of Production

      Critically examine the dialectics involved in each mode of production as propounded by Karl Marx.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      कार्ल मार्क्स द्वारा प्रतिपादित उत्पादन की प्रत्येक विधि में शामिल द्वंद्वात्मकता का समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(b)
      Approach: Explain Marx’s dialectical method, take each mode of production in turn showing its classes and internal contradiction, then critically examine the scheme with criticism and Indian evidence.
      Marx adopted Hegel’s dialectic, change through the conflict of opposites, but grounded it in material life. In each mode of production the forces of production develop until they clash with the existing relations of production; this contradiction appears as conflict between an owning and a labouring class and gives birth to the next mode.
      Primitive communism: no classes and common property; the growth of surplus and private property ends it. Ancient (slave) society: masters against slaves, as in the revolt led by Spartacus in Rome. Feudalism: lords against serfs; within it, towns, trade and merchants grow into a bourgeoisie that breaks feudal bonds through revolutions such as 1789 in France.
      Capitalism: bourgeoisie against proletariat; production becomes social while ownership stays private, producing crises of overproduction, a reserve army of labour and growing class consciousness, which Marx expected to end in socialist revolution. Communism would end classes and so this form of dialectic.
      Flow chart: primitive communism → slavery → feudalism → capitalism → socialism → communism, each driven by forces versus relations
      Critical examination: the scheme is criticised as unilinear and Eurocentric; Marx himself placed India in an unchanging Asiatic mode, which Irfan Habib and R.S. Sharma rejected by showing trade, towns and change in pre-colonial India, while D.D. Kosambi applied the method to Indian history. Revolutions came in peasant Russia and China, and in his 1881 letter to Vera Zasulich Marx accepted that Russia might not follow the Western path.
      Conclusion: the dialectic is best read as a method for locating contradictions in each society, not as a fixed ladder of stages.
    3. Q3(c) · Sociological Thinkers: Max Weber · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Max Weber: Authority and Bureaucracy

      Do you agree with Max Weber's idea that bureaucracy has the potential to become an iron cage? Justify your answer.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      क्या आप मैक्स वेबर के इस विचार से सहमत हैं कि नौकरशाही में लोहे का पिंजरा बनने की क्षमता है? अपने उत्तर का औचित्य साबित कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q3(c)
      Approach: Explain the iron cage idea, agree with it using evidence of over-rationalisation, and qualify it with criticism and the possibility of change.
      At the end of The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904–05), Max Weber warned that the rational economic order, once established, binds individuals like an iron cage. Bureaucracy, the most efficient form of administration, is the core of this cage.
      There is good reason to agree. Bureaucracy is technically superior but impersonal; rules become ends in themselves. Robert Merton called this goal displacement and the bureaucratic personality. In India, red tape, file-pushing and the plight of citizens without documents in welfare schemes show how rules can trap people.
      Yet the cage is not total. Weber himself hoped that charismatic leadership and politics could check bureaucracy. Peter Blau found informal flexibility inside bureaucracies. The Right to Information Act 2005, social audits and digital grievance systems in India show that bureaucracy can be made accountable.
      Hence the danger is real, but it is a tendency, not a fate.

    Question 4 (50 marks)

    1. Q4(a) · Stratification and Mobility · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Social Mobility: Open and Closed Systems, Types and Causes

      Explain the concept of social mobility. Describe with suitable illustrations how education and social mobility are related to each other.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      सामाजिक गतिशीलता की अवधारणा को स्पष्ट कीजिए। शिक्षा और सामाजिक गतिशीलता एक-दूसरे से कैसे सम्बन्धित हैं, उसका उपयुक्त दृष्टांतों के साथ वर्णन कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(a)
      Approach: Define social mobility and its types (Sorokin, Goldthorpe), then explain the education–mobility relationship from the functionalist view (Blau and Duncan, Turner) and the conflict view (Bowles and Gintis, Bourdieu, Boudon), with Indian illustrations, and conclude.
      Pitirim Sorokin (1927) defined social mobility as movement of individuals or groups from one social position to another. It may be vertical or horizontal, intra-generational (within a career) or inter-generational (between parents and children), and absolute or relative, the latter measuring chances by class origin (Goldthorpe).
      Functionalist view: education is the main channel of mobility in modern societies. Blau and Duncan's The American Occupational Structure (1967) found that education explained occupational attainment more than father's status. Ralph Turner (1960) contrasted the American 'contest mobility' with British 'sponsored mobility', showing education systems shape routes to the top.
      Indian illustrations: education and reservation produced a Dalit and OBC middle class in government jobs; first-generation graduates from rural families enter the IT sector; Srinivas noted westernisation through English education as a route to status. Expansion is visible in AISHE's gross enrolment ratio of 28.4% in higher education (2021–22).
      Conflict view: education also reproduces inequality. Bowles and Gintis (Schooling in Capitalist America, 1976) argued that schools correspond to the hierarchy of work; Pierre Bourdieu showed that cultural capital of the upper classes turns into academic success; Raymond Boudon (1974) explained that poorer families choose shorter courses even at equal ability. In India, English-medium private schooling and costly coaching favour the well-off, and degree inflation weakens the value of credentials.
      Flow chart: Family origin → access to quality schooling and cultural capital → credentials → occupation → class destination; reservation and public schools can open the chain, private advantages can close it.
      Education is thus a necessary but not sufficient condition for mobility: it opens doors when it is equal in quality, as the Right to Education Act, 2009 and NEP 2020 intend, but otherwise it can legitimise inherited privilege.
    2. Q4(b) · Works and Economic Life · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Formal and Informal Organisation of Work

      How has the idea of 'Work From Home' forced us to redefine the formal and informal organisation of work?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      'घर से काम करने' के विचार ने हमें काम के औपचारिक और अनौपचारिक संगठन को पुनःपरिभाषित करने के लिए कैसे मजबूर किया है?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(b)
      Approach: Show how work from home after the 2020 lockdown blurred the formal–informal line: formal structure (Weber, Taylorist control) moved online, informal organisation (Barnard, Hawthorne) weakened, and home and gender roles were redrawn (Hochschild); end with a redefinition.
      Formal organisation is the designed structure of rules, roles and authority that Weber described as bureaucracy; informal organisation is, in Chester Barnard's sense, the web of personal contacts and norms that grows within it, revealed by the Hawthorne studies. Both assumed a shared physical workplace, which the COVID-19 lockdown of March 2020 disrupted.
      Formal organisation redefined: authority and coordination moved to digital platforms, video meetings and dashboards. Supervision shifted from presence to output, and monitoring software extended Taylorist control into the home, a form of digital surveillance. Office hours dissolved into 'always-on' availability. Indian IT firms such as TCS announced hybrid models, and the government relaxed rules for other service providers in 2020 to allow remote work.
      Informal organisation redefined: corridor talk, lunch groups and peer norms, which Mayo saw as central to morale, became thinner and moved to chat groups. Newcomers found it harder to learn tacit rules, and loneliness rose, a problem Durkheim would see as weakened integration.
      Home and gender: the boundary between the public workplace and private home, created by industrialisation, blurred. Arlie Hochschild's 'second shift' intensified for women, who juggled paid work, childcare and domestic chores; the Time Use Survey 2019 had already shown women doing about three times men's unpaid domestic work. Home-based informal work, long performed by women in India, now resembled formal professional work.
      Class divide: only a minority of formal white-collar workers could work from home; informal workers such as domestic workers, vendors and construction labourers lost income, showing that WFH was a privilege.
      Flow chart: lockdown → remote work → formal control by software and output → informal ties move online and thin → home–work boundary blurs → hybrid organisation.
      WFH has thus produced a hybrid organisation in which formal control is digital and informal ties are virtual, demanding new norms on the right to disconnect and equal sharing of care.
    3. Q4(c) · Sociological Thinkers: Parsons, Merton and Mead · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Robert K. Merton: Functions, Conformity and Deviance, Reference Groups

      With suitable examples, explain how conformity and deviance coexist in a society as propounded by R.K. Merton.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      आर.के. मर्टन द्वारा प्रतिपादित, एक समाज में अनुरूपता और विचलन कैसे सह-अस्तित्व में रहते हैं, उपयुक्त उदाहरणों के साथ इसकी व्याख्या कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q4(c)
      Approach: Explain Merton's strain theory showing that the same structure produces conformity and deviance through the modes of adaptation, with Indian examples.
      Robert K. Merton, in 'Social Structure and Anomie' (1938), argued that deviance is not caused by biological drives but by the social structure. When a culture stresses success goals but offers unequal legitimate means, a strain arises, and individuals adapt in different ways.
      Conformity, accepting both goals and means, is the most common response and keeps society stable, for example a student who studies hard for the civil services.
      Alongside it, the same pressure produces deviance: innovation (goals accepted, illegitimate means), such as exam paper leaks or financial fraud; ritualism, a clerk who follows rules mechanically; retreatism, drug abuse; and rebellion, as in movements seeking a new social order.
      Thus conformity and deviance coexist because both are responses to one structure. Merton also noted that deviance can be functional, signalling the need for change. Critics such as Cohen and Cloward and Ohlin added subcultural and opportunity explanations, but Merton's point that deviance is socially patterned remains valuable.

    Question 5 (50 marks)

    1. Q5(a) · Works and Economic Life · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Formal and Informal Organisation of Work

      Explain the emerging challenges in establishing gender equality in the informal sector.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      अनौपचारिक क्षेत्र में लैंगिक समानता स्थापित करने में उभरती चुनौतियों की व्याख्या कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(a)
      Approach: Explain the challenges to gender equality in informal work (invisibility, wage gaps, care burden, harassment, weak legal coverage, digital divide) with feminist theory and Indian evidence, then suggest a way forward.
      Most Indian women workers are in the informal sector as home-based workers, domestic workers, agricultural labourers and unpaid family helpers, where equality laws barely reach.
      Invisibility: unpaid and home-based work is undercounted, and Maria Mies's idea of housewifisation explains why such work is treated as non-work and paid less. Care burden: the Time Use Survey 2019 recorded 299 minutes of daily unpaid domestic work by women against 97 by men, restricting their choice of jobs.
      Weak protection: maternity benefits and equal-pay provisions depend on an employer and records, which informal workers lack; Local Committees under the POSH Act, 2013 are often not functional. Caste compounds disadvantage, as Dalit women dominate sanitation and farm labour.
      New challenges: platform work and the digital divide, as fewer women own smartphones; and the 2020 lockdown hit women's jobs hardest.
      The way forward lies in collective organisation like SEWA, universal social security through the Code on Social Security, 2020 and e-Shram, and recognising care work.
    2. Q5(b) · Politics and Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Theories of Power, Power Elite, Bureaucracy, Pressure Groups and Parties

      Critically examine the relevance of Vilfredo Pareto's theory of Circulation of Elites in the present scenario.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      वर्तमान परिदृश्य में विल्फ्रेडो पारेटो के अभिजात-वर्ग के परिभ्रमण के सिद्धान्त की प्रासंगिकता का समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(b)
      Approach: Briefly state Pareto's theory of circulation of elites, then assess its relevance today with Indian and world examples, and note its limits (pluralism, democratic institutions, untestable residues).
      Vilfredo Pareto (The Mind and Society, 1916) held that every society is ruled by a governing elite. Elites of 'lions', who rule by force, and 'foxes', who rule by cunning, decay and are replaced, so that history is a graveyard of aristocracies; this is the circulation of elites.
      Relevance today: the idea helps explain recurrent elite turnover. In India, the decline of the Congress system and the rise of OBC leaders after the Mandal period, Dalit leadership through the BSP, and the shift to a new dominant party after 2014 resemble a circulation of governing elites. Military takeovers in Myanmar and parts of Africa fit his cycle of foxes yielding to lions.
      Limits: democracy institutionalises circulation through elections, so change need not be violent; pluralists like Dahl argue that power is dispersed; Marxists say Pareto ignores the economic base; and his residues are psychological and hard to test.
      It remains a useful heuristic for elite change, best combined with institutional and class analysis.
    3. Q5(c) · Religion and Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Sociological Theories of Religion

      Critically compare the views of E.B. Tylor and Max Muller on Religion.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      धर्म पर ई.बी. टायलर और मैक्स मूलर के विचारों की आलोचनात्मक रूप से तुलना कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(c)
      Approach: A critical comparison of two evolutionary, intellectualist theories of the origin of religion: Tylor's animism and Max Müller's naturism. Define each, compare their sources and logic, then give the common criticism (Durkheim, Evans-Pritchard) with an Indian example.
      E.B. Tylor and Max Müller were 19th-century evolutionary and intellectualist theorists who traced religion to early humans' attempts to explain their experience.
      Tylor (Primitive Culture, 1871) defined religion minimally as 'belief in Spiritual Beings'. Reflecting on dreams, trance and death, early humans inferred a soul separate from the body and extended souls to animals, plants and objects. This animism was the earliest religion, from which polytheism and monotheism evolved.
      Max Müller, drawing on the Vedas, found the origin in naturism: awe at sun, sky, fire and dawn, personified as gods like Surya, Agni and Varuna.
      Tylor starts from inner experience and ethnographic reports, Müller from external nature and philology; both explain religion as an individual's mistaken reasoning.
      Durkheim objected that an illusion could not last so long and that neither explains the sacred or collective ritual; Evans-Pritchard called such theories speculative 'if I were a horse' reasoning. Munda worship of bongas alongside nature deities shows elements of both.
    4. Q5(d) · Religion and Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Types of Religious Practices: Animism, Monism, Pluralism, Sects and Cults

      What is cult? Explain the growth of cults in the contemporary world.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      पंथ क्या है? समकालीन दुनिया में पंथों की वृद्धि की व्याख्या कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(d)
      Approach: Define cult (Stark and Bainbridge, Wallis) and its features, then explain its growth with sociological causes and Indian and world examples in a short, structured answer.
      A cult is a loosely organised religious group with new or imported beliefs, usually centred on a charismatic leader. Stark and Bainbridge distinguish it from a sect, which breaks away from an existing faith, and Roy Wallis noted that cults are tolerant of other beliefs, unlike sects. The neutral term new religious movement is now preferred.
      Growth: first, secularisation and the decline of mainstream churches leave a spiritual vacuum. Second, urban anomie and loneliness create a search for community. Third, affluent groups seek self-improvement, which Wallis's world-affirming cults offer, such as Transcendental Meditation. Fourth, globalisation and media spread imported faiths, as ISKCON spread from New York (1966) and yoga-based movements went global. Fifth, in rational choice terms a free religious market encourages new 'products'.
      Indian examples include guru-centred movements and deras, while Jonestown (1978) and Aum Shinrikyo (1995) show dangers.
      Bruce sees cults as signs of weakened religion, Heelas as a spiritual revolution.
    5. Q5(e) · Social Change in Modern Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Sociological Theories of Social Change

      Do you think Talcott Parsons gave an adequate theory of social change? Justify your answer.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      क्या आपको लगता है कि टैलकॉट पार्सन्स के द्वारा दिया गया सामाजिक परिवर्तन का सिद्धान्त पर्याप्त है? अपने उत्तर का औचित्य साबित कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q5(e)
      Approach: Summarise Parsons's account of change (equilibrium, differentiation, evolutionary universals), then judge its adequacy with critics and an Indian illustration; conclude that it is partial.
      Talcott Parsons was accused of offering a static theory, but in his later work he did propose an account of change. Society tends towards a moving equilibrium: strains are absorbed by adjustment through the AGIL functions.
      In Societies (1966) and 'Evolutionary Universals in Society' (1964) he described a neo-evolutionary process: structural differentiation, adaptive upgrading, inclusion and value generalisation. Universals such as bureaucracy, money and markets, universalistic law and democratic association raise a society's adaptive capacity.
      The theory is not fully adequate. Dahrendorf and C. Wright Mills argued it cannot explain sudden, conflict-driven or revolutionary change, since conflict appears only as strain. Its view of change as the gradual unfolding of shared values is consensual and treats the modern United States as the model, which Gunder Frank and other critics saw as ethnocentric. It also neglects power, colonialism and agency.
      In India, differentiation explains the separation of work from family, but the Dalit movement reflects conflict. Parsons's theory is useful but partial.

    Question 6 (50 marks)

    1. Q6(a) · Works and Economic Life · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Labour and Society

      Elucidate the main problems and challenges faced by the migrant labourers in the recent 'Lockdown period'.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      हाल ही में 'लॉकडाउन अवधि' के दौरान प्रवासी श्रमिकों के सामने आई मुख्य समस्याओं और चुनौतियों की विशद व्याख्या कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(a)
      Approach: Describe the problems migrant workers faced in the 2020 lockdown (income, food, shelter, transport, stigma, invisibility), explain them sociologically (Breman, Standing, Marx, Durkheim) and the policy challenges and responses, ending with lessons.
      The nationwide lockdown announced on 24 March 2020 to contain COVID-19 left lakhs of inter-state migrant workers stranded in cities without work. The government later told Parliament that over a crore migrant workers had returned to their home states.
      Problems: sudden loss of daily wages and unpaid dues; hunger, as many lacked ration cards valid outside their home states; eviction from rented rooms and worksite shelters; absence of transport, which forced thousands to walk hundreds of kilometres, with tragedies such as the Aurangabad rail accident of May 2020; police harassment, quarantine and stigma as 'carriers' in both cities and villages; and debt and unemployment after return.
      Sociological explanation: Jan Breman's 'footloose labour' describes such circular migrants who belong fully neither to city nor village. They are part of Guy Standing's precariat, and Marx's reserve army of labour, hired and discarded as needed. Their invisibility was institutional: the Inter-State Migrant Workmen Act, 1979 was poorly enforced, so no one knew how many migrants there were. Durkheim would see the crisis as the breakdown of the moral regulation of an anomic division of labour.
      Responses: Shramik Special trains from May 2020; free grain under PM Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana; extension of One Nation One Ration Card; Garib Kalyan Rozgar Abhiyaan and expanded rural employment for returnees; and, after a Supreme Court order in 2021, the e-Shram portal launched in August 2021. Civil society groups and the Stranded Workers Action Network filled gaps.
      The lockdown exposed migrants as essential yet unprotected; portable entitlements, registration, housing and the OSH Code's provisions for inter-state workers are the lasting lessons.
    2. Q6(b) · Politics and Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Theories of Power, Power Elite, Bureaucracy, Pressure Groups and Parties

      Explain how political parties and pressure groups are dialectically related to each other in terms of achieving their goals.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      अपने लक्ष्यों को प्राप्त करने के लिए राजनीतिक दलों और दबाव समूहों के बीच किस प्रकार के द्वंद्वात्मक सम्बन्ध होते हैं, व्याख्या कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(b)
      Approach: Distinguish parties and pressure groups, then explain their dialectical relationship (mutual dependence and tension, groups becoming parties and parties creating groups) with Duverger, Kothari, the Rudolphs and Indian cases, ending with a synthesis.
      Weber defined political parties as associations aiming to secure power for their leaders, while pressure groups seek to influence policy without contesting power. Their relationship is dialectical: each depends on and opposes the other, and their interaction produces new forms.
      Mutual dependence: parties need groups for votes, funds, cadres and information; groups need parties to turn demands into law. Maurice Duverger noted that mass parties grew out of trade unions and other associations, as the British Labour Party did. In India, trade union federations are tied to parties (INTUC to the Congress, BMS to the Sangh family, CITU to the CPI(M)).
      Tension and opposition: groups press narrow interests that parties must balance against a wider electorate, and they shift support when ignored. The Bharatiya Kisan Union under Mahendra Singh Tikait remained non-party and bargained with all governments; during 2020–21 farmer unions kept political parties off their platform while pressing the government to repeal the farm laws, which it did in 2021.
      Synthesis: pressure groups often become parties, and parties create or absorb groups. The India Against Corruption movement of 2011 gave rise to the Aam Aadmi Party in 2012; caste associations studied by Lloyd and Susanne Rudolph, such as the Vanniyar Kula Kshatriya Sangam, later formed the Pattali Makkal Katchi.
      Rajni Kothari's 'Congress system' showed this dialectic at the system level: the dominant party absorbed groups, while groups and opposition parties acted as a margin of pressure that pushed it to change.
      Flow chart: group demand → party absorbs or rejects → if rejected, group escalates or forms a party → new party bargains with other groups.
      Parties and pressure groups thus complete each other in achieving goals; the contradiction between aggregating and articulating interests keeps democratic competition alive.
    3. Q6(c) · Religion and Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Religion in Modern Society: Science, Secularisation, Revivalism and Fundamentalism

      Give your comments on the growth of religious revivalism in the present day context.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      वर्तमान संदर्भ में धार्मिक पुनरुत्थानवाद के विकास पर अपनी टिप्पणी दीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q6(c)
      Approach: Define religious revivalism, give present-day examples (global and Indian), explain the causes with named sociologists, and comment briefly on its consequences.
      Religious revivalism is the renewed fervour and public assertion of a religion, often presented as a return to its purer, original form, usually in response to rapid change or perceived threat.
      Present-day examples: the global Pentecostal boom, Islamic resurgence since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, evangelical politics in the USA, and in India the Ram Janmabhoomi movement, culminating in the temple consecrated on 22 January 2024, along with the growth of the Tablighi Jamaat and mass pilgrimages such as the Kumbh.
      Causes: Giddens and Castells see revival as a defence of identity against globalisation and the network society; Norris and Inglehart link it to insecurity; media and the new middle class spread it; and Christophe Jaffrelot ties Hindu revivalism to political mobilisation.
      Comment: revival can restore meaning and community, but when tied to politics it can slide into communalism and threaten pluralism. It contradicts the classical secularisation thesis and supports Berger's desecularisation argument.

    Question 7 (50 marks)

    1. Q7(a) · Systems of Kinship · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Patriarchy, Sexual Division of Labour and Contemporary Trends

      Explain how the pattern of patriarchy is being altered in a family and at the workplace in the present context.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      वर्तमान संदर्भ में परिवार और कार्यस्थल पर पितृतंत्र का प्रतिरूप (पैटर्न) कैसे बदल रहा है, समझाइए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(a)
      Approach: Define patriarchy (Walby's private and public forms), then explain how it is being altered in the family and at the workplace with theory, Indian laws and data, and show what persists, ending with a balanced view.
      Sylvia Walby (Theorizing Patriarchy, 1990) defined patriarchy as a system of social structures and practices in which men dominate, oppress and exploit women, operating through six structures including household production and paid work. She argued that Western societies moved from private patriarchy, based on the household, to public patriarchy, based on segregation in employment and the state.
      In the family: nuclear and dual-earner households, later marriage and fewer children give women more say in decisions. Daughters became coparceners under the Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005, and the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 recognised economic and emotional abuse. Young and Willmott's 'symmetrical family' and Giddens's 'pure relationship' describe more equal partnerships.
      Persistence in the family: the Time Use Survey 2019 recorded women spending about 299 minutes a day on unpaid domestic work against 97 for men; Hochschild's 'second shift' and Kandiyoti's 'patriarchal bargain' remain visible.
      At the workplace: women are entering IT, banking, the armed forces (permanent commission upheld in Babita Puniya, 2020) and local government. The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2013, the Maternity Benefit (Amendment) Act, 2017 and the Companies Act, 2013 requirement of a woman director challenge male norms.
      Persistence at work: occupational segregation, the gender pay gap, the 'glass ceiling' and the concentration of women in informal and care work (ASHA and anganwadi workers paid honoraria) show public patriarchy in Walby's sense.
      Patriarchy is thus being reshaped rather than abolished: control is shifting from the father and husband in the home to subtler forms in markets and organisations, while in India private patriarchy remains strong among many groups.
    2. Q7(b) · Social Change in Modern Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Development and Dependency

      Critically examine the contribution of dependency theories in understanding the present global scenario.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      वर्तमान वैश्विक परिदृश्य को समझने में आश्रितता सिद्धान्तों के योगदान का समालोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(b)
      Approach: Outline dependency theories (Prebisch, Baran, Frank, Amin, Cardoso) and then test their contribution against today's global scenario (China, digital and debt dependence, India), ending with a balanced assessment.
      Dependency theory emerged in Latin America in the 1950s–60s as a critique of modernisation theory. It holds that the poverty of the 'periphery' results from its subordinate incorporation into a world capitalist system dominated by the 'core'.
      Raúl Prebisch and ECLA showed that terms of trade for primary exports decline. Paul Baran (1957) argued that surplus is drained abroad. Andre Gunder Frank's 'development of underdevelopment' traced a metropolis–satellite chain of extraction. Samir Amin's unequal development and Walter Rodney's How Europe Underdeveloped Africa extended the idea, while Cardoso and Faletto (1979) allowed for associated dependent development. Wallerstein's world-systems theory later added a semi-periphery.
      Contributions today: the theories highlight persistent North–South gaps, debt crises of countries such as Sri Lanka (2022), commodity dependence in Africa, and unequal access to vaccines during COVID-19. New forms of dependency appear in technology and data: scholars speak of digital or data colonialism, as platforms based in a few countries extract data from the global South. India's reliance on imported semiconductors, defence equipment and crude oil shows ongoing vulnerability.
      Limits: the rise of East Asian tigers, China and India through integration into world markets contradicts the claim that dependency blocks development. Critics such as Bill Warren and Laclau found the theory deterministic and too focused on external factors, neglecting internal class structure, governance and state capacity. Remedies like delinking failed in practice.
      Flow chart: peripheral export of raw materials → unequal exchange → surplus drain → underdevelopment; versus integration + state capacity → growth (East Asia).
      Dependency theories therefore remain useful for analysing global inequality and new technological dependence, but must be combined with attention to the state, internal classes and agency.
    3. Q7(c) · Stratification and Mobility · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Dimensions of Stratification: Class, Status, Gender, Ethnicity and Race

      Explain the growing salience of ethnicity in the contemporary world with illustrations.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      समकालीन दुनिया में नृजातीयता के बढ़ते महत्त्व को दृष्टांतों के साथ समझाइए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q7(c)
      Approach: Define ethnicity, explain why its salience has grown (globalisation, migration, state policies, decline of class politics, identity politics) with world and Indian illustrations, and conclude.
      Ethnicity is a sense of collective identity based on shared culture, language, religion or ancestry. Modernisation theorists expected it to fade, but it has become more salient.
      Reasons: globalisation and mass migration bring groups into contact and competition, producing anti-immigrant politics in Europe and the USA; the collapse of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia released ethnic nationalisms, leading to genocide in Bosnia (1995) and, in Africa, Rwanda (1994). Instrumentalists such as Paul Brass show elites mobilising ethnicity for power, while Fredrik Barth stresses boundary-making against others.
      Illustrations from India include the linguistic reorganisation of states (1956), demands such as Gorkhaland, and the ethnic conflict between Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities in Manipur since May 2023. Sri Lanka's Sinhala–Tamil conflict and Myanmar's treatment of the Rohingya show the same pattern in South Asia.
      Ethnicity grows salient when it becomes a basis for claiming resources, recognition and political power, so inclusive federalism and minority rights are key to managing it.

    Question 8 (50 marks)

    1. Q8(a) · Systems of Kinship · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Patriarchy, Sexual Division of Labour and Contemporary Trends

      Discuss the changing nature of kinship relations in the contemporary world.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      समकालीन विश्व में नातेदारी सम्बन्धों की बदलती हुई प्रकृति की विवेचना कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(a)
      Approach: Discuss the changing nature of kinship worldwide with theory (individualisation, relatedness, families of choice, beanpole and transnational families, reproductive technologies), add Indian illustrations, and note continuities.
      In classical anthropology, kinship was the organising principle of society: descent groups held property and power (Fortes, Evans-Pritchard), and marriage alliances linked groups (Lévi-Strauss). In modern societies its functions have shrunk, but its forms have multiplied.
      Individualisation: Ulrich Beck and Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim (The Normal Chaos of Love, 1995) and Giddens (The Transformation of Intimacy, 1992) argue that kin ties are now chosen and negotiated rather than prescribed; divorce, remarriage and cohabitation produce reconstituted families with complex step-kin.
      New bases of kinship: Janet Carsten's 'relatedness' stresses care and shared living over blood; Kath Weston's 'families we choose' and same-sex marriage (first legalised in the Netherlands, 2001) create queer kinship; IVF and surrogacy separate genetic, gestational and social parenthood.
      Demographic shape: low fertility and longer life give Julia Brannen's 'beanpole family' with many generations and few siblings or cousins; ageing makes grandparents and elder care central.
      Transnational and digital kinship: migrants maintain families across borders through remittances and digital contact, as Rhacel Parreñas (2001) showed for Filipino families; WhatsApp family groups sustain wider kin networks.
      India: kinship is becoming more bilateral in practice (daughters' coparcenary rights, 2005; close ties with the wife's natal family), cross-region marriages appear in sex-ratio-deficit states, and the Surrogacy (Regulation) Act, 2021 allows only altruistic surrogacy. Yet caste endogamy and gotra rules remain strong.
      Kinship is thus changing from an ascribed, rule-bound structure to a flexible network of chosen ties, though Carol Smart warns that class, gender and culture still limit that choice.
    2. Q8(b) · Social Change in Modern Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Education, Science, Technology and Social Change

      Describe the role of Science and Technology in enabling us to face the challenges triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      कोविड-19 महामारी से उत्पन्न चुनौतियों का सामना करने हेतु हमें सक्षम बनाने में विज्ञान और प्रौद्योगिकी की भूमिका का वर्णन कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(b)
      Approach: Describe how science and technology helped society face COVID-19 (vaccines, digital platforms, remote work and education, data) with Indian examples, then note limits (divide, surveillance, misinformation) through Beck and Castells, and conclude.
      The COVID-19 pandemic was, in Ulrich Beck's terms, a global risk society event: a hazard spread by globalisation that only scientific knowledge and coordinated technology could manage. Science and technology became central to how societies coped.
      Medical science: rapid genome sequencing, testing and new vaccine platforms produced vaccines within a year. India manufactured Covishield and the indigenous Covaxin, and administered over 220 crore doses through the CoWIN digital platform; it also supplied vaccines abroad under Vaccine Maitri. Genomic surveillance through INSACOG tracked variants.
      Digital technology: in Castells's network society, work, education, commerce and social life moved online. Telemedicine through eSanjeevani, online classes via DIKSHA and SWAYAM, work-from-home in IT, and UPI and Direct Benefit Transfer, which delivered cash to Jan Dhan accounts, sustained livelihoods and welfare. Data dashboards and modelling guided lockdowns.
      Limits: technology also deepened the digital divide. NFHS-5 (2019–21) found only 33.3% of women had ever used the internet, so poor, rural and female students lost learning. Contact-tracing apps such as Aarogya Setu raised privacy concerns after the Puttaswamy judgment (2017) recognised privacy as a fundamental right. Social media spread misinformation and communal rumours, and migrant workers' crisis showed that technology could not replace social protection.
      Flow chart: pandemic risk → scientific research + digital platforms → vaccines, telemedicine, online work and cash transfers → resilience; unequal access → exclusion.
      The experience also showed the value of public science: publicly funded institutions such as ICMR and the Pune-based National Institute of Virology isolated the virus early. Science and technology thus enabled society to face the pandemic, but their benefits depended on public health systems, trust and equitable access.
    3. Q8(c) · Politics and Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Nation, State, Citizenship, Democracy, Civil Society and Ideology

      Highlight the roles and functions of civil society in a democratic system.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      लोकतांत्रिक व्यवस्था में नागरिक समाज की भूमिकाओं और कार्यों पर प्रकाश डालिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper I, Q8(c)
      Approach: Define civil society with its thinkers and list its roles and functions in a democracy with Indian examples, adding a short note on limits.
      Civil society is the arena of voluntary associations, NGOs, unions, religious and caste bodies, media and movements that lies between family, market and state. Hegel, Tocqueville, Gramsci and Habermas gave the concept its classic forms.
      Roles and functions: (1) Watchdog on state power: civil liberties groups such as the PUCL, founded in 1976, document rights violations. (2) Articulating interests and aggregating opinion, forming Habermas's public sphere. (3) Service delivery and partnership: SEWA, founded in 1972, organises informal women workers; NGOs implement health and education programmes. (4) Advocacy for rights-based laws such as the RTI Act 2005 and the Right to Education Act 2009. (5) Building social capital and democratic norms (Putnam). (6) Representing the marginalised and contesting dominant ideas, which Gramsci called counter-hegemony.
      Civil society can also be captured by elites, divided on communal lines or dependent on foreign funding, which the state regulates through the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act.
      Its democratic value depends on its autonomy and inclusiveness.

    UPSC Mains 2021 Sociology Paper II

    Question 1 (50 marks)

    1. Q1(a) · Caste System · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Perspectives on Caste: Ghurye, Srinivas, Dumont and Béteille

      Caste system studies in India have been dominated by the “book-view” initially. How did the entry of “field-view” bring about a balance in the study of Indian caste system? Discuss.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      प्रारंभ में भारत में जाति-व्यवस्था अध्ययन मुख्यतः “पुस्तक-केन्द्रित” रहा। बाद में “फील्ड-व्यू” या “क्षेत्र-केन्द्रित” अध्ययन के प्रवेश से भारतीय जाति-व्यवस्था के अध्ययन में संतुलन बनाने में कैसे मदद मिली? विवेचना करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(a)
      Approach: Explain the book-view (texts, varna, Indologists) and the field-view (Srinivas, village studies), show what the field-view added, and how the two now balance each other.
      M.N. Srinivas distinguished the book-view of caste, drawn from the Dharmashastras and Indologists such as Max Müller and Ghurye, from the field-view, drawn from direct observation of village life.
      The book-view presented caste as the fourfold varna system, fixed by birth and sanctioned by religion, with Brahmins always at the top. The field-view, from village studies of the 1950s, showed thousands of local jatis, regional variation, ambiguity in the middle ranks, and mobility through Sanskritisation. It revealed the dominant caste, whose power came from land and numbers rather than ritual rank, and the importance of economic interdependence through the jajmani system.
      The two views now complement each other: texts explain the ideology that legitimises caste, as Dumont showed, while fieldwork shows how it actually works and changes.
      This balance gave Indian sociology a fuller and more realistic picture of caste.
    2. Q1(b) · Impact of Colonial Rule on Indian Society · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Gandhi, Ambedkar and Other Thinkers on Indian Society

      What does Dr. B. R. Ambedkar mean by the concept of “Annihilation of caste”?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      'जाति-निर्मूलन' की अवधारणा से डॉ. भीम राव अंबेड़कर का क्या तात्पर्य है?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(b)
      Approach: Explain the context of Annihilation of Caste (1936), its main arguments (caste as division of labourers, shastric sanction, inter-caste marriage), the Gandhi debate, and its relevance.
      Annihilation of Caste (1936) was the speech B.R. Ambedkar prepared for the Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal of Lahore. When the organisers objected to its attack on the Hindu scriptures, the conference was cancelled and Ambedkar published it himself.
      By ‘annihilation’ Ambedkar meant destroying caste completely, not reforming it. He argued that caste is not a division of labour but a division of labourers, fixed by birth and graded in hierarchy. It kills public spirit, makes Hindus incapable of forming a society, and blocks social democracy.
      Since caste rests on the religious authority of the shastras, he held that inter-dining was not enough; the real remedy was inter-caste marriage and destroying belief in the sanctity of the shastras. Gandhi replied in Harijan, defending varna while rejecting untouchability, and Ambedkar rejoined that varna was caste in another name.
      The text remains relevant: inter-caste marriages are still a small share of all marriages, and the work inspires Dalit movements and the constitutional ideal of fraternity.
    3. Q1(c) · Kinship, Family and Religion in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Lineage, Descent and Kinship Systems in India

      Discuss different forms of kinship system in India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारत में नातेदारी व्यवस्था के विभिन्न प्रकारों की चर्चा करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(c)
      Approach: Discuss forms of kinship in India: by descent, by residence, by region (Karve), consanguineal and affinal, with examples.
      Kinship in India takes several forms, depending on whether ties come from blood or marriage, how descent is traced, where couples live and which region they belong to.
      First, consanguineal kinship (blood relatives) and affinal kinship (relatives by marriage). Second, by descent: patrilineal among most castes, matrilineal among the Nayars, Khasi and Garo, and bilateral tendencies in some tribes. Third, by residence: patrilocal in most of India, matrilocal among the Khasi and in the Nayar visiting-husband system. Fourth, by region: Irawati Karve's four zones, northern, central, southern and eastern, with different marriage rules, especially the southern preference for cross-cousin marriage.
      Kinship also has degrees, primary, secondary and tertiary, and usages such as avoidance and joking relationships.
      These forms are changing with urbanisation and law, but kinship still shapes marriage and support networks.
    4. Q1(d) · Rural and Agrarian Social Structure · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      The Idea of the Indian Village and Village Studies

      Critically examine briefly the phrase “Little Republics” as used to denote India's villages.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारत के गांवों को दर्शाने के लिये इस्तेमाल किये जाने वाले वाक्यांश “लघु गणतंत्र” की संक्षिप्त समालोचना प्रस्तुत करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(d)
      Approach: Explain the origin of the phrase (Metcalfe, 1830) and its use by Maine, Marx and Gandhi, then critically examine it with evidence from village studies and Ambedkar.
      The phrase ‘little republics’ comes from Sir Charles Metcalfe's minute of 1830, which described Indian villages as self-sufficient communities that survived the fall of dynasties unchanged. Henry Maine and Karl Marx used the same image of a static village community, and Gandhi idealised it as the basis of gram swaraj.
      The image is misleading. Villages paid revenue to states, traded in regional markets and were linked by caste, kinship and pilgrimage networks, as Srinivas, Dube and Marriott showed. Dumont and Pocock argued the village was not a self-contained social unit. Internally, the village was not a republic of equals but a hierarchy dominated by landowning castes.
      Ambedkar, in the Constituent Assembly in November 1948, called the village a sink of localism and a den of ignorance and communalism.
      The phrase thus reflects a colonial and romantic construction rather than reality, though the 73rd Amendment (1992) has revived the idea of village self-government in a democratic form.
    5. Q1(e) · Caste System · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Features of the Caste System and Caste Change

      Caste-like formations are present in Non-Hindu religious communities as well. Discuss with examples.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      जाति की तरह की संरचनाएं गैर-हिन्दु धार्मिक समुदायों में भी होती हैं। उदाहरण के साथ विवेचना कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q1(e)
      Approach: Discuss caste-like stratification among Muslims, Sikhs and Christians with examples and studies (Imtiaz Ahmad, Sachar), and explain why it persists.
      Although Islam, Sikhism and Christianity preach equality, their Indian followers show caste-like formations: hereditary, often endogamous groups ranked in status. Imtiaz Ahmad's edited volume Caste and Social Stratification among Muslims in India (1973) documented this.
      Muslims are divided into Ashraf (claimed foreign descent, such as Sayyids and Pathans), Ajlaf (converted occupational groups such as weavers, the Ansaris) and Arzal (those doing ‘unclean’ work). The Pasmanda movement represents backward Muslims. Among Sikhs, Jat Sikhs dominate land, while Mazhabi and Ravidasia Sikhs face discrimination and have their own gurdwaras. Among Christians, Syrian Christians of Kerala keep distance from Dalit converts, and some churches have separate seating or cemeteries.
      These persist because converts carried their caste identity and occupation, and endogamy continued.
      This shows that caste is a social structure of the subcontinent rather than only a Hindu religious institution.

    Question 2 (50 marks)

    1. Q2(a) · Social Movements in Modern India · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Backward Classes and Dalit Movements

      What is identity politics? Discuss the main trends in Dalit movements in India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      पहचान की राजनीति क्या है? भारत में दलित आंदोलन के प्रमुख रुझानों की व्याख्या करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(a)
      Approach: Define identity politics (Taylor, Fraser), then discuss the main trends of Dalit movements as a sequence (reformist, Ambedkarite, radical, electoral, rights-based and cultural, contemporary), with examples; conclude.
      Identity politics is political action based on the shared identity of a social group, such as caste, gender, ethnicity or religion, seeking recognition and redress of group-specific injustice. Charles Taylor's 'politics of recognition' (1992) explains the demand for respect for identities that society has demeaned, while Nancy Fraser distinguishes recognition from redistribution. Critics fear it can fragment class solidarity.
      Main trends in Dalit movements: (i) Reformist and Sanskritising: some untouchable castes sought higher status by adopting upper-caste customs, as Srinivas noted, and Gandhi's Harijan Sevak Sangh (1932) worked within Hinduism. (ii) Anti-Brahmin and original-inhabitant movements: Phule's Satyashodhak Samaj, Ad Dharm and Adi Dravida claimed a separate identity. (iii) Ambedkarite: political rights, education and the conversion to Buddhism (1956) as an exit from Hinduism.
      (iv) Radical: the Dalit Panthers (1972) in Maharashtra combined Ambedkar with Marx and Black Panther militancy, and Dalit literature expressed anger. (v) Electoral: Kanshi Ram's BAMCEF (1978), DS4 (1981) and BSP (1984) built a 'Bahujan' majority and captured power in Uttar Pradesh. (vi) Rights-based and transnational: NGOs and the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (1998) used law and international forums.
      (vii) Contemporary: local, youth-led and digital assertion, such as the Bhim Army (2015), the Una protests (2016), campus movements after Rohith Vemula (2016), sub-caste movements such as the Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi, Dalit feminism and Dalit entrepreneurship.
      Dalit movements show identity politics at its most democratic, turning stigma into dignity, though Gopal Guru and Anand Teltumbde warn that recognition must be joined to land, jobs and an anti-caste alliance to transform the structure.
    2. Q2(b) · Caste System · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Features of the Caste System and Caste Change

      Is Indian society moving from “Hierarchy” towards “differentiation”? Illustrate your answer with suitable examples.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      क्या भारतीय समाज “पदानुक्रम” से “विभेदीकरण” की ओर अग्रसर है? उपयुक्त उदाहरणों के साथ इस पर प्रकाश डालें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(b)
      Approach: Define hierarchy (Dumont) and differentiation (Gupta's difference; functional differentiation), show the movement with examples from occupation, politics, identity and law, then show where hierarchy persists, and conclude.
      Hierarchy, as Louis Dumont argued, ranks groups on a single scale of purity and impurity, with each caste knowing its place. Differentiation means that groups become distinct and specialised without being ranked on one scale; Dipankar Gupta describes caste today as a system of difference, where castes are separate identities competing as equals.
      There is clear movement towards differentiation. In occupation, the jajmani system has declined and people choose jobs by education and market; Dalits work as teachers, engineers and entrepreneurs, as the Dalit Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (2005) shows. In politics, castes act as separate interest groups and no caste accepts subordination; parties build coalitions of castes. In law, the Constitution treats all citizens as equals, and untouchability is a crime.
      In identity, castes celebrate their own histories rather than seeking a place in a Brahmanical order. M.N. Srinivas noted the decline of ritual hierarchy and the rise of caste as a political and economic group, while Béteille showed caste, class and power separating.
      Flow chart: Hierarchy (purity scale, jajmani, ritual rank) → education, market, democracy, law → differentiation (separate identities, interest groups, occupational choice) → but hierarchy persists in marriage, untouchability, atrocities.
      Yet hierarchy has not disappeared. Endogamy remains strong, inter-caste couples face honour killings, untouchability survives in rural India, and NCRB recorded 57,789 crimes against Scheduled Castes in 2023. Most sanitation workers still come from Dalit castes, showing a link between caste and degrading work.
      Indian society is therefore moving towards differentiation in public life, while hierarchy persists in the private spheres of marriage and community.
    3. Q2(c) · Social Classes in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Middle Classes in India

      Discuss the salient features of 'new middle class' in India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारत में 'नव मध्यम वर्ग' के विशिष्ट लक्षणों की चर्चा करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q2(c)
      Approach: List the salient features of the new middle class (post-1991 origin, private-sector and service jobs, consumption, English and global orientation, caste composition, political attitudes), with scholars.
      The new middle class refers to the section that grew after the economic reforms of 1991, described by Leela Fernandes in India's New Middle Class (2006).
      Its salient features are: employment mainly in the private sector, IT, finance, services and multinational firms rather than government; reliance on English education and professional degrees; a consumer lifestyle of brands, malls, cars and digital services; a global outlook, with migration and diaspora links; nuclear and dual-income families; and a preference for merit and market solutions, often with impatience towards the state. Pavan Varma noted its withdrawal from concern for the poor.
      Satish Deshpande notes that it is still dominated by upper castes, though Dalit and OBC members are growing.
      It is influential in shaping media, consumption and urban politics, though it is a minority of the population.

    Question 3 (50 marks)

    1. Q3(a) · Impact of Colonial Rule on Indian Society · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Modernisation of Indian Tradition

      Discuss in detail the major contribution of Prof. Yogendra Singh in theorizing India's modernization.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारत के आधुनिकीकरण के सिद्धांतीकरण में प्रो. योगेन्द्र सिंह के प्रमुख योगदान की विस्तार से चर्चा करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(a)
      Approach: Discuss Singh's contributions in detail: critique of earlier approaches, value themes, the fourfold framework of change, his findings on Indian modernisation and later work on globalisation; end with assessment.
      Professor Yogendra Singh (1932–2020), who founded the Centre for the Study of Social Systems at JNU, made the most systematic attempt to theorise India's modernisation in Modernization of Indian Tradition: A Systemic Study of Social Change (1973).
      His first contribution was to review existing approaches, Indological, structural, Marxist and cultural, and to argue that each saw only part of change. He proposed a systemic approach combining culture and structure.
      Second, he defined Indian tradition through four value themes: hierarchy, holism, continuity and transcendence. Modernisation meant a shift towards equality, individualism, historicity and rationality.
      Third, he gave a framework of change by source and level. Orthogenetic changes, from within, include Sanskritisation and the Bhakti and reform movements; heterogenetic changes, from outside, include Islamisation and Westernisation. These operate in the little and great traditions and in micro structures such as caste, family and village and macro structures such as the bureaucracy, industry, elites and the political system.
      Flow chart: Source (orthogenetic / heterogenetic) × level (cultural: little, great tradition; structural: micro, macro) → eight cells of change → selective modernisation with strains.
      Fourth, he concluded that Indian modernisation is selective and adaptive, but warned of breakdowns where structural change outpaces cultural change, causing tension, corruption or identity conflict. Fifth, in Culture Change in India: Identity and Globalization (2000) he extended the analysis to globalisation, media and identity movements.
      Critics such as A.R. Desai saw a liberal bias that underplays class; others found the categories descriptive. Yet Singh's synthesis remains the standard framework for theorising social change in India.
    2. Q3(b) · Social Movements in Modern India · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Peasant and Farmers' Movements

      Examine the factors responsible for the rural unrest in contemporary India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      समकालीन भारत में ग्रामीण असंतोष के मुख्य कारकों का परीक्षण कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(b)
      Approach: Examine the factors behind rural unrest: economic (agrarian distress, prices, debt), land and displacement, caste and identity, ecological, political and generational, with examples and theory; conclude.
      Rural unrest refers to collective discontent and protest in the countryside, from farmers' agitations to tribal resistance and caste conflict. A.R. Desai and Kathleen Gough traced its roots to agrarian structure; today its forms are more varied.
      Agrarian distress: 86% of holdings are small and marginal (Agriculture Census 2015–16), costs are rising, prices volatile, and about half of farm households are indebted (NSS 77th round, 2019); NCRB recorded 11,290 suicides of farmers and farm labourers in 2022. These drive demands for a legal MSP and loan waivers, as in the 2020–21 protest and the 2018 Kisan Long March.
      Land and displacement: acquisition for industry and infrastructure provoked Singur and Nandigram (2006–07) and tribal resistance at Niyamgiri and Hasdeo; Maoist insurgency drew on Adivasi land grievances.
      Caste and identity: Dalit labourers' assertion meets violence from dominant castes, while dominant agrarian castes (Jats, Patidars, Marathas) demand reservation as farm incomes fall.
      Ecology and climate: droughts, groundwater depletion and erratic rain. Generational and employment factors: educated rural youth without jobs, whom Craig Jeffrey describes, swell protests. Political factors: relative deprivation compared with urban India, Sharad Joshi's 'Bharat versus India', and the State's policy shifts after liberalisation.
      Rural unrest is therefore the product of a structural agrarian crisis meeting rising aspirations; secure incomes, land rights, rural non-farm jobs and fair acquisition under the 2013 land law are needed.
    3. Q3(c) · Kinship, Family and Religion in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Family, Marriage and Household in India

      Discuss the changing dimensions of family structure in urban India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारतीय शहरों में वदलते पारिवारिक संरचना के आयामों की विवेचना करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q3(c)
      Approach: Discuss changing dimensions of the urban family: structure, size, roles and gender relations, authority, marriage and new forms, with data and studies.
      The urban family in India is changing in structure, roles and values, though, as A.M. Shah and I.P. Desai warned, not simply from joint to nuclear.
      In structure, nuclear and smaller households are common, with NFHS-5 (2019–21) reporting a total fertility rate of 2.0 and lower in cities. In roles, dual-earner couples are more common, and husbands share some childcare, though women still carry a double burden. Authority has shifted from the patriarch to the conjugal couple, and children have more say. Marriage is changing too, with more self-choice, later marriage, rising though still low divorce, and live-in relationships.
      New forms include single-parent and single-person households and elderly living alone, while many urban families stay functionally joint with parents nearby.
      The urban family is thus becoming more conjugal and egalitarian, while keeping kin obligations.

    Question 4 (50 marks)

    1. Q4(a) · Rural and Agrarian Transformation in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Rural Labour, Bondage and Migration

      What are the sociological reasons and implication of “reverse migration” during the recent pandemic in India?

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      अभी हाल की महामारी के दौरान “उलट-प्रवसन” के समाजशास्त्रीय कारण और निहितार्थ क्या हैं?

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(a)
      Approach: Two demands: sociological reasons (structure of informal work, circular migration, citizenship gaps, kinship and village as safety net) and implications (for migrants, villages, cities, women, policy). Use Breman, Lee and data, and conclude.
      During the COVID-19 lockdown from 25 March 2020, India saw a mass reverse migration: by the government's own figure, over one crore migrant workers returned to their home states, many on foot.
      Sociological reasons: (i) Informal, footloose labour: Jan Breman showed that circular migrants work without contracts, housing or security, so when work stopped they had no reason or means to stay. (ii) Incomplete urban citizenship: migrants lacked local ration cards, voter identity and welfare access; the city treated them as labour, not as citizens. (iii) Village as safety net: kin, a house, a small plot and caste community at origin offered food and care, which shows the persistence of what M.N. Srinivas called the village as a social reality. (iv) Fear, stigma and uncertainty amplified by the crisis.
      Implications: for migrants, loss of income, debt and trauma; for villages, pressure on land and work, a record demand for MGNREGA in 2020–21, and conflicts over quarantine and stigma; for women, added care burden and loss of remittances; for cities, labour shortages that showed how much urban India depends on migrants. Positively, the crisis made migrants visible in policy: One Nation One Ration Card, the e-Shram portal (August 2021) and affordable rental housing schemes followed.
      Reverse migration showed that India's development model rests on an invisible, mobile and unprotected workforce; portable entitlements, housing and labour protection under the Labour Codes are needed to make migration a path of mobility rather than vulnerability.
    2. Q4(b) · Tribal Communities in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Issues of Integration and Autonomy

      Discuss the main features of the debate between G. S. Ghurye and V. Elwin on tribal development.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      जनजातीय विकास पर जी. एस. घुरये एवं वी. एल्विन के बीच वाद-विवाद की प्रमुख विशिष्टताओं पर चर्चा कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(b)
      Approach: Discuss the Ghurye–Elwin debate: context (1930s–40s), Elwin's protectionist position, Ghurye's assimilationist reply, their points of difference (identity, Hinduism, development, policy), and the outcome in Nehru's Panchsheel and present policy.
      The debate between Verrier Elwin and G.S. Ghurye in the late colonial period was about the future of tribes: should they be protected as distinct peoples or absorbed into the Hindu mainstream? It shaped tribal policy after independence.
      Elwin, from his fieldwork among the Baiga and Gond, argued in The Baiga (1939) and The Loss of Nerve (1941) that contact with Hindu moneylenders, traders and officials had led to land loss, debt and cultural decline. He supported protected areas, in line with the colonial excluded areas, where tribes could govern themselves and change slowly.
      Ghurye replied in The Aborigines So-Called and Their Future (1943) that tribes were backward Hindus, long linked to Hindu society through worship, trade and caste, and that isolation would keep them backward and serve colonial divide-and-rule. He favoured assimilation through education, economic development and full citizenship.
      They differed on four features: identity (distinct peoples vs part of Hindu society), the effect of Hinduisation (destructive vs natural), development (slow and protective vs rapid and integrative), and policy (protected areas vs mainstreaming). Critics called Elwin's approach a ‘museum’ or ‘national park’ view, and Ghurye's an upper-caste nationalism that ignored exploitation.
      Flow chart: Elwin: contact → exploitation → protect (isolation). Ghurye: tribes = backward Hindus → isolation harms → assimilate. Synthesis: Nehru's Panchsheel → integration with respect → Schedules, PESA, FRA.
      The debate ended in a middle path. Elwin himself moved towards integration as adviser for NEFA, and Nehru's Tribal Panchsheel combined development with respect for tribal rights and culture. Today's laws, PESA 1996 and the Forest Rights Act 2006, reflect Elwin's concern for protection, while reservations and development schemes reflect Ghurye's concern for inclusion.
    3. Q4(c) · Caste System · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Untouchability: Forms and Perspectives

      What are the various forms of untouchability in India? Critically examine.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारत में अस्पृश्यता के विविध प्रकार क्या हैं? आलोचनात्मक परीक्षण कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q4(c)
      Approach: Classify forms of untouchability (social, religious, economic, political, new and urban forms) with data and studies, and critically examine their persistence despite law.
      Untouchability is the practice of treating certain castes as polluting and excluding them from social life. Though abolished by Article 17, it persists. The India Human Development Survey (2011–12) found about 27% of households admitting to practising it in some form.
      Its forms are several. Social: separate seating, the two-tumbler system in tea shops, bans on entering homes, and denial of wells. Religious: barring from temples and festivals. Economic: lower wages, refusal to buy milk from Dalits, and confinement to scavenging and leatherwork. Political: pressure on Dalit panchayat heads. The survey by Shah, Mander, Thorat, Deshpande and Baviskar, Untouchability in Rural India (2006), recorded such practices across eleven states.
      New forms include discrimination in urban housing rentals, caste abuse on social media and violence over inter-caste marriage.
      Laws exist, but weak enforcement and social sanction keep these practices alive; change needs both law and social movements.

    Question 5 (50 marks)

    1. Q5(a) · Visions of Social Change in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Development Planning and the Mixed Economy

      Analyze the idea of developmental planning in India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारत में विकासात्मक योजनाओं के विचार का विश्लेषण कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(a)
      Approach: Analyse the idea: its origins (Nehru, Mahalanobis, Gandhian and Bombay Plans), its goals and assumptions, and its sociological evaluation in brief.
      The idea of developmental planning in India was that a democratic State would consciously direct economic growth and social justice together, through Five Year Plans beginning in 1951.
      Its roots lay in Nehru's National Planning Committee (1938), the Bombay Plan of industrialists (1944) and the Gandhian Plan of S.N. Agarwal (1944); the Second Plan's Mahalanobis model stressed heavy industry, and the Avadi resolution (1955) set the goal of a socialistic pattern of society within a mixed economy.
      Its assumptions were that growth would trickle down, that a neutral bureaucracy would deliver, and that modern institutions would dissolve caste and feudal ties. Sociologists questioned each: A.R. Desai saw a capitalist path, S.C. Dube found Community Development captured by dominant castes, and Myrdal spoke of a 'soft state'.
      From 1991 the idea shifted towards indicative planning with markets, and from 2015 NITI Aayog replaced plans with cooperative federalism, missions and outcome monitoring. The core idea, that the State should steer social transformation, still survives.
    2. Q5(b) · Rural and Agrarian Transformation in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Rural Development: Community Development, Cooperatives and Poverty Alleviation

      Comment on the role of co-operatives in rural development.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      ग्रामीण विकास में सहकारी समितियों की भूमिका पर टिप्पणी कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(b)
      Approach: Comment on the role: introduce the cooperative idea, give its economic, social and political roles in rural development with examples, and a critical note.
      Nehru saw cooperatives, along with panchayats and schools, as the institutions that would transform the village; the Community Development Programme (1952) relied on them.
      Economic role: credit, marketing, input supply and processing; Amul and Operation Flood made India the world's largest milk producer and gave regular income to small producers. Social role: cooperatives cut across caste in some places and give women collective strength, as in SEWA and Kudumbashree. Political role: they train villagers in democratic management, though in Maharashtra sugar cooperatives also became the base of a Maratha political elite.
      Critically, Dube's study of the Community Development Programme (1958) and later work show that benefits went mostly to landowning castes, and politicisation, State control and overdues weakened many societies.
      With the Ministry of Cooperation (2021), computerised multipurpose PACS and farmer producer organisations, cooperatives can again become a vehicle of inclusive rural development if member control is restored.
    3. Q5(c) · Industrialisation and Urbanisation in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Slums and Urban Deprivation

      Urban slums are sites of social exclusion – explain.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      शहरी झुग्गी बस्तियाँ सामाजिक बहिष्कार के स्थल हैं – व्याख्या करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(c)
      Approach: Explain social exclusion (Lenoir, Silver) and show how slums exclude residents from housing, services, work, citizenship and dignity, with a counterpoint on agency.
      Social exclusion, a term popularised by René Lenoir in France (1974), refers to processes that keep groups from full participation in economic, social and political life; in India it overlaps with caste and religion.
      Slums exclude in many ways. Residents of non-notified slums lack secure tenure and legal water and electricity connections; they are confined to informal work; Scheduled Castes are over-represented, and Muslims are often ghettoised, as in Mumbai's Govandi or Ahmedabad's Juhapura; a slum address brings stigma in jobs, schools and marriage; and evictions for 'world-class city' projects, such as the Yamuna Pushta demolitions in Delhi (2004), push residents to distant resettlement colonies like Bawana, cutting them off from work. Amita Baviskar called such drives 'bourgeois environmentalism'.
      Yet slum dwellers are not passive: Arjun Appadurai's 'deep democracy' shows federations such as SPARC and Mahila Milan negotiating housing.
      Slums are thus sites of exclusion and also of struggle for the 'right to the city'.
    4. Q5(d) · Politics and Society in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Regionalism, Decentralisation and Secularisation

      Does regionalism essentially lead to decentralization of power? Substantiate your answer with relevant examples.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      क्या क्षेत्रीयवाद अनिवार्यतः शक्ति विकेन्द्रीकरण की तरफ जाता है? अपने उत्तर को सुसंगत उदाहरण से समझाएँ।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(d)
      Approach: Substantiate with examples: show cases where regionalism produced decentralisation (states, councils, federal reforms) and cases where it did not (centralised regional parties, sub-regional neglect); conclude 'not essentially'.
      Regionalism is loyalty to a region and the demand for its cultural, economic or political interests; decentralisation is the transfer of power downward.
      Regionalism often produced decentralisation: linguistic movements led to the reorganisation of states (1956); the DMK's demand led to the Rajamannar Committee (1969) on Centre–state relations, and the Akali Dal's Anandpur Sahib Resolution (1973) pressed for autonomy, which contributed to the Sarkaria Commission (1983–88); movements created Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Uttarakhand (2000) and Telangana (2014); and ethnic regionalism produced autonomous councils such as the Bodoland Territorial Council (2003) and the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (2012).
      But it does not essentially do so: many regional parties centralise power in a single leader or family and resist devolution to panchayats, and new states can neglect their own sub-regions.
      Regionalism thus decentralises power between Centre and states, but not necessarily below the state level.
    5. Q5(e) · Rural and Agrarian Transformation in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Green Revolution and Changing Modes of Production

      Discuss the role of technology in agrarian change in India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारतीय कृषिक परिवर्तन में तकनीक की भूमिका की विवेचना करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q5(e)
      Approach: Discuss technology's role: list key technologies across phases, show their social effects on class, labour, gender and ecology, and conclude that technology works through social structure.
      Technology has been a main driver of agrarian change in India, though its effects depend on who controls land and capital.
      The Green Revolution package (HYV seeds, tubewells, fertiliser) raised output and turned many owner-cultivators into market-oriented capitalist farmers, the change Utsa Patnaik and Ashok Rudra debated as the rise of a capitalist mode of production. Tractors and combine harvesters displaced attached labour and women's work, turning labour casual and migrant.
      Bt cotton (2002) raised yields but increased dependence on purchased inputs and debt, which some studies link to distress in Vidarbha. Today digital technology (e-NAM 2016, Soil Health Cards, PM-KISAN transfers, drones) connects farmers to markets and the State.
      Technology without land reform benefits larger farmers, as Frankel found; its democratic use needs cooperatives, FPOs, custom-hiring centres and extension services that reach small and women farmers.

    Question 6 (50 marks)

    1. Q6(a) · Visions of Social Change in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Education and Social Change in India

      Explain the sociological significance of the New Education Policy and its thrust on vocationalization and skill development.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      नयी शिक्षा नीति के सामाजिक महत्व तथा इसके व्यवसायीकरण एवं कौशल-विकास पर जोर देने की व्याख्या करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(a)
      Approach: Explain the sociological significance of NEP in general and then its specific thrust on vocationalisation and skills: theories (functionalist, human capital, conflict), Indian context (caste and the dignity of labour, informal work, unemployment), problems, and a conclusion.
      NEP 2020 is sociologically significant because it redefines the purpose of schooling in a society marked by caste, class and gender gaps: it extends State responsibility to early childhood (5+3+3+4), stresses foundational learning, mother-tongue instruction, multidisciplinary and flexible higher education, and equity through Special Education Zones and a Gender Inclusion Fund.
      Thrust on vocationalisation: NEP plans vocational exposure and internships from Class 6, wants at least half of learners to receive vocational education by 2025, and seeks to end the hard separation between academic and vocational streams. It complements the Skill India Mission and PMKVY (2015) and the National Policy for Skill Development and Entrepreneurship (2015).
      Significance: from a functionalist and human-capital view (Parsons; Schultz and Becker), skills match education to the needs of a changing economy and a young population. In India, it also challenges the caste hierarchy of knowledge, which placed mental above manual work; Gandhi's Nai Talim (1937) and Ambedkar's stress on dignity of labour anticipated this. Skilling may help women and rural youth enter non-farm work and reduce the educated unemployment Craig Jeffrey described in Timepass (2010).
      Concerns: conflict theorists warn that vocational tracks may channel poor, Dalit and Adivasi children into manual work early, as Bowles and Gintis's correspondence principle suggests, while elite children keep academic routes; the Kothari Commission's vocationalisation plan failed partly because vocational courses carried low status. Over 80% of work in India is informal, so skills alone may not bring decent jobs, and implementation needs trainers, industry links and recognition of prior learning of artisans.
      NEP's vocational thrust is thus a potential instrument of social change if it raises the status of skill and connects it to jobs, without becoming a new form of social sorting.
    2. Q6(b) · Population Dynamics · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Emerging Issues: Ageing, Sex Ratio, Mortality and Reproductive Health

      Is 'ageing' an emerging issue in Indian society? Discuss the major problems of the old age people in India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      क्या 'वयोवृद्धि' भारतीय समाज में एक उभरता मुद्दा है? भारत में वृद्ध लोगों की मुख्य समस्याओं की चर्चा करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(b)
      Approach: Two parts: establish ageing as an emerging issue (demographic data, social change, theory), then discuss the major problems of the elderly in India with data and examples; conclude with policy.
      Yes, ageing is an emerging issue. Falling fertility (TFR 1.9, SRS 2023) and rising life expectancy (about 70 years, SRS 2016–20) are changing India's age structure: the 60+ population was about 10.4 crore (8.6%) in Census 2011, about 10.1% in 2021, and is projected at 15% by 2036 and 20.8% by 2050, when the elderly will outnumber children (India Ageing Report 2023).
      Why it is emerging as a social issue: the joint family, which Indian norms rely on for elder care, is weakening through migration, urbanisation and women's employment; Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Himachal Pradesh are already ageing fast. The modernisation theory of ageing (Cowgill and Holmes, 1972) predicts declining status of the old as technology and education devalue their knowledge.
      Major problems: (i) Health: LASI Wave 1 (2017–18) found high levels of chronic disease, multimorbidity and disability; geriatric care is scarce. (ii) Economic insecurity: most elderly lack pensions because they worked informally; social pensions under IGNOAPS are small. (iii) Living arrangements: a rising share live alone or only with a spouse. (iv) Neglect and abuse: property disputes and neglect lead parents to maintenance tribunals under the 2007 Act. (v) Feminisation of ageing: women live longer, are more often widowed and own fewer assets. (vi) Digital and social exclusion: difficulties with digital services and loss of social roles, which disengagement theory (Cumming and Henry, 1961) describes, though activity theory stresses continued participation.
      Policy: universal pensions, Ayushman Vay Vandana (2024) for all aged 70 and above, geriatric wards under NPHCE, community day-care, age-friendly cities and support for family caregivers.
      Ageing is therefore an emerging structural issue that requires India to move from relying on the family alone to a shared family–State model of care.
    3. Q6(c) · Population Dynamics · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Emerging Issues: Ageing, Sex Ratio, Mortality and Reproductive Health

      Underline the socio-cultural factors responsible for India's skewed sex-ratio.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारत में विषम लिंग-अनुपात के लिये उत्तरदायी सामाजिक-सांस्कृतिक कारकों को रेखांकित कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q6(c)
      Approach: Underline the socio-cultural factors: son preference and patriliny, dowry, religious and ritual roles, small-family norm with technology, low status of women, with data and scholars.
      India's skewed sex ratio, a child sex ratio of 918 in Census 2011 and a sex ratio at birth of 929 in NFHS-5 (2019–21), is rooted in socio-cultural factors more than in biology or poverty.
      Son preference and patriliny: sons carry the lineage, inherit land and care for parents in old age, while daughters leave on marriage, the 'paraya dhan' idea. Dowry: daughters are seen as an economic burden because of rising dowry, which spread with Sanskritisation and prosperity. Religious and ritual roles: sons perform funeral rites (shraddha) in Hindu tradition. Small-family norm with technology: as families want fewer children, they use ultrasound and sex-selective abortion to ensure a son, as Monica Das Gupta showed in Punjab. Low status and safety of women: concern over daughters' sexuality and 'honour' adds to the burden. Leela Dube and Dyson and Moore link these to northern kinship systems.
      UNFPA (2020) estimated about 45.8 million 'missing' women in India.
      Laws such as the PCPNDT Act help, but changing inheritance, dowry and care norms is essential.

    Question 7 (50 marks)

    1. Q7(a) · Challenges of Social Transformation · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Crisis of Development: Displacement, Environment and Sustainability

      The problem of displacement is inherent in the idea of development. Analyze the statement critically.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      विस्थापन की समस्या विकास के विचार में अंतर्निहित है। इस कथन का आलोचनात्मक विश्लेषण कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(a)
      Approach: Analyse critically whether displacement is inherent: argue that the dominant model makes it so (land, resources, State power, data), then counter that displacement is not inevitable (alternatives, minimisation, consent, benefit-sharing); conclude.
      The statement reflects the experience that modern development, built on large dams, mines, industrial zones, highways and cities, needs land, water and minerals, which are often held by peasants, Adivasis and the urban poor. Walter Fernandes estimated about 6 crore people displaced or affected between 1947 and 2004, about 40% of them tribals, while tribals form about 8.6% of the population (Census 2011).
      Why displacement seems inherent: (i) the dominant model of growth is resource-intensive and spatially concentrated; (ii) the State's power of 'eminent domain', from the Land Acquisition Act 1894 onwards, treated land as a commodity and ignored common property and customary rights; (iii) Marxist scholars describe 'accumulation by dispossession' (David Harvey), and Felix Padel and Samarendra Das show how mining in Odisha transfers wealth from tribal regions to corporations; (iv) the displaced are seldom the main beneficiaries; Michael Cernea's model shows how they become poorer through landlessness, joblessness and social disarticulation.
      Why it is not inevitable: (i) the scale of displacement depends on design choices, such as smaller dams, decentralised renewable energy, watershed development and brownfield sites; (ii) the RFCTLARR Act 2013 requires social impact assessment, consent of 80% of affected families for private projects (70% for public–private), and rehabilitation; (iii) the Forest Rights Act 2006 and PESA 1996 give gram sabhas a voice, as at Niyamgiri (2013); (iv) benefit-sharing, such as the District Mineral Foundations (2015), and land-pooling, as in some urban projects, can make people partners.
      Critical note: state amendments exempting projects from consent, and weak implementation, show that law alone does not prevent displacement.
      Displacement is therefore inherent not in development as such but in a particular top-down, extractive model; participatory and rights-based development can minimise it and make the displaced its beneficiaries.
    2. Q7(b) · Challenges of Social Transformation · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Ethnic Conflicts, Communalism and Religious Revivalism

      Rising 'ethnocentrism' is leading to conflict in our society. Assess this statement with appropriate reasons.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      बढ़ता हुआ 'संजाति केन्द्रवाद' हमारे समाज को संघर्ष की ओर ले जा रहा है। इस कथन का आकलन समुचित कारणों के साथ प्रस्तुत करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(b)
      Approach: Assess the statement: define ethnocentrism (Sumner), show how it fuels conflict in India across region, language, ethnicity, caste and religion with examples, explain why it is rising, add counter-points, and suggest remedies.
      Ethnocentrism, a term coined by William Graham Sumner (Folkways, 1906), is the tendency to view one's own group as the centre of everything and to judge others by its standards, combining in-group loyalty with out-group contempt. In a plural society like India, rising ethnocentrism turns difference into hostility.
      Forms of conflict: (i) Regional and linguistic: 'sons of the soil' campaigns against migrants, such as attacks on north Indian workers in Maharashtra (2008) and on migrants in Gujarat (2018), and recurring language disputes. (ii) Racial discrimination against people from the North-East in metropolitan cities; the death of Nido Taniam in Delhi (2014) led to the Bezbaruah Committee. (iii) Ethnic violence: Meitei–Kuki-Zo conflict in Manipur from May 2023, Bodo–Muslim clashes in Assam (2012). (iv) Communal tension: stereotyping of religious minorities, riots (Delhi, 2020) and lynchings. (v) Caste pride expressed in honour killings and violence against Dalit assertion.
      Why it is rising: competition for jobs and resources amid unemployment (relative deprivation); identity politics and electoral mobilisation; social media echo chambers and misinformation; migration that brings groups into contact without integration; and globalisation, which, as Manuel Castells argues, provokes defensive 'resistance identities'.
      Counter-points: India also shows strong everyday coexistence, inter-group friendships in cities and workplaces, and civic associations that, as Ashutosh Varshney found, prevent riots; not all identity assertion is ethnocentric, since marginal groups' demands for recognition can be democratic.
      Remedies: constitutional values of fraternity, education for diversity, inter-group contact (Allport), firm action against hate speech and violence, and inclusive development. The statement is largely valid, but ethnocentrism can be checked by India's own traditions of pluralism.
    3. Q7(c) · Politics and Society in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Nation, Democracy and Citizenship in India

      Is social democracy a precondition for political democracy? Comment.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      क्या सामाजिक लोकतंत्र राजनीतिक लोकतंत्र की पूर्व शर्त है? टिप्पणी कीजिए।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q7(c)
      Approach: Comment using Ambedkar's argument: define both, explain why social democracy sustains political democracy, with Indian evidence, and a nuanced conclusion.
      Political democracy means equal political rights, such as universal franchise and elections; social democracy, in Ambedkar's words, is a way of life that recognises liberty, equality and fraternity as principles of life.
      In his speech of 25 November 1949, Ambedkar warned that political democracy cannot last unless it rests on social democracy, since India was entering a 'life of contradictions', with equality in politics and inequality in social and economic life. Tocqueville had similarly linked American democracy to social equality. Indian evidence supports this: caste hierarchy produces vote-buying, booth capturing in the past, atrocities when Dalits assert, and proxy representation of women.
      Yet India also shows that political democracy can build social democracy: universal franchise empowered lower castes, as in Yadav's 'second democratic upsurge', and reservation in panchayats raised Dalit and women leaders.
      Social democracy is therefore less a precondition than a necessary partner; each deepens the other.

    Question 8 (50 marks)

    1. Q8(a) · Challenges of Social Transformation · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Ethnic Conflicts, Communalism and Religious Revivalism

      Discuss the role of social media in communal polarisation. Suggest ways to combat it.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      सांप्रदायिक-ध्रुवीकरण में 'सोसल-मीड़िया' की भूमिका की चर्चा करें। इसका मुकाबला करने के लिये उपाय बतायें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(a)
      Approach: Two parts: explain how social media drives communal polarisation (mechanisms, Indian cases, theory), then suggest ways to combat it (legal, platform, State, civil society, education); conclude.
      Communal polarisation is the division of society into mutually hostile religious blocs. Social media, used by hundreds of millions of Indians through WhatsApp, YouTube, Facebook, Instagram and X, has become a powerful force in deepening it.
      Mechanisms: (i) Misinformation and rumours: doctored videos and false claims spread faster than corrections; a fake video circulated before the Muzaffarnagar riots (2013), and child-lifting and cow-related rumours on WhatsApp led to lynchings in 2017–18. (ii) Echo chambers and algorithms: platforms reward outrage and show users content that confirms their prejudices, which Cass Sunstein called 'echo chambers', producing group polarisation. (iii) Organised propaganda: party IT cells and troll networks amplify hate and target critics, journalists and minorities. (iv) Hate speech and dehumanisation: memes and labels that portray the other community as a threat, as seen around the Delhi riots (2020). (v) Anonymity and speed lower social restraints. Habermas's public sphere is thus fragmented into hostile enclaves.
      Ways to combat it: (i) Law: firm, impartial use of provisions against promoting enmity (Section 196 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, earlier Section 153A IPC) and the Supreme Court's Tehseen Poonawalla (2018) guidelines against mob lynching; (ii) Platforms: faster fact-checking, limits on forwarding (as WhatsApp introduced in 2018), transparency of algorithms and accountability under the IT Rules 2021, without curbing legitimate dissent; (iii) Civil society: independent fact-checkers such as Alt News and BOOM, and counter-narratives of coexistence; (iv) Education: digital and media literacy in schools; (v) Political responsibility: parties must stop using hate for mobilisation, and the police must act early.
      Social media is a tool; it polarises when used by organised interests in a context of distrust, and can equally connect communities when backed by truth, law and civic values.
    2. Q8(b) · Industrialisation and Urbanisation in India · 20 marks≈ 14 min

      Modern Industry and the Growth of Urban Settlements

      Urban settlements in India tend to replicate its rural caste-kinship imprints. Discuss the main reasons.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      भारत में शहरी बसावट ग्रामीण समाज के जाति-नातेदारी की छाप को दोहराती हुयी प्रतीत होती है। इसके प्रमुख कारणों की विवेचना करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(b)
      Approach: Discuss the main reasons why Indian cities replicate caste and kinship: contrast with Wirth, then give reasons (migration networks, housing, marriage, associations and politics, informal labour markets, religion) with studies, and conclude with signs of change.
      Louis Wirth ('Urbanism as a Way of Life', 1938) expected city size, density and heterogeneity to weaken kinship and ascribed ties. Indian cities, however, often reproduce caste and kinship patterns of the village.
      Chain migration: people move through kin and caste networks, which find them jobs and housing; Morris D. Morris and Rajnarayan Chandavarkar showed Bombay mill workers recruited by jobbers along caste and village lines, and Jan Breman found the same among circular migrants. Residential clustering: landlords discriminate by caste and religion, and migrants choose neighbourhoods of their own community; Christophe Jaffrelot and Laurent Gayer (Muslims in Indian Cities, 2012) describe ghettoisation, as in Ahmedabad's Juhapura.
      Marriage: endogamy persists in cities, now through matrimonial websites organised by caste. Kinship support: Sylvia Vatuk (Kinship and Urbanization, 1972) found migrants in Meerut maintaining wide kin networks, and M.S.A. Rao's Yadavpur villagers kept caste ties after urbanisation. Caste associations and politics: the Rudolphs showed caste associations becoming urban pressure groups, and electoral mobilisation keeps caste visible. Informal labour markets: Barbara Harriss-White argues that caste and kinship regulate the informal economy where most urban work lies.
      Yet cities also loosen caste: Owen Lynch's study of Agra's Jatavs (1969) shows urban Dalits using education and politics to claim status, and inter-caste marriage, anonymous public spaces and professional work spread among the educated. M.N. Srinivas noted that caste in cities shifts from ritual hierarchy to an identity and interest group.
      Indian cities thus show adaptation rather than replacement: caste and kinship survive because they provide security in an insecure urban economy, while their form changes.
    3. Q8(c) · Kinship, Family and Religion in India · 10 marks≈ 7 min

      Patriarchy, Entitlements and Sexual Division of Labour

      Does “economic empowerment” automatically bring about “substantive empowerment” for women? Briefly describe the main issues in women empowerment in India.

      हिंदी में प्रश्न

      क्या 'आर्थिक सशक्तिकरण' स्वतः महिलाओं में 'वास्तविक सशक्तिकरण' लाती है? संक्षेप में भारत में महिला सशक्तिकरण के मुख्य मुद्दों का वर्णन करें।

      Model answer
      Paper and question: Paper II, Q8(c)
      Approach: Answer no: distinguish economic from substantive empowerment (Kabeer's resources, agency, achievements), show with data why income alone is insufficient, then list main issues in women's empowerment in India.
      No. Economic empowerment, access to income, jobs and assets, is necessary but does not automatically bring substantive empowerment, the real capacity to make choices about one's life. Naila Kabeer defined empowerment as the ability to make strategic choices, involving resources, agency and achievements.
      Women's earnings are often controlled by husbands or in-laws; working women still carry the double burden of housework; and NFHS-5 (2019–21) found that about 29% of ever-married women had faced spousal violence, including many who earned. The rise in female labour force participation to 41.7% in PLFS 2023–24 is largely in unpaid and self-employed work.
      The main issues in women's empowerment are: low ownership of land and assets, unpaid care work, violence and safety, son preference, limited political voice (the Women's Reservation Act 2023 awaits the next delimitation), and restrictive social norms.
      Substantive empowerment therefore needs change in norms, law enforcement and shared care, alongside income.